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INVESTIGATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE
NEW YORK CITY AREA— PART 7

(Based on Testimony of Manning Johnson)

HEARING

BEFORE THE

COMMITTEE ON UK-AMERKTAN ACTIVITIES
•-1-^^ HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

EIGHTY-THIRD CONGRESS

FIRST SESSION

JULY 8, 1953
Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities

UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
33909 WASHINGTON : 1953

Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents

SEP 1 1 1953

COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES
United States House of Representatives

HAROLD H. VELDE, Illinois, Chairman
BERNARD W. KEARNEY, New York FRANCIS E. WALTER. Pennsylvania

DONALD L. JACKSON, California MORGAN M. MOULDER, Missouri

KIT CLARDY, Michigan CLYDE DOYLE, California

GORDON H. SCHERER, Ohio JAMES B. FRAZIER, Jr., Tennessee

ROBIJUT L. KUNZIG, Counsel

Pra.xk S. T.4VF.NNER, Jr., Couusel

Louis J. Russell, Chief Invesfuiaior

Thomas W. Beale, Sr., Chief Clerk

Raphael I. Nixon, Director of Research

CONTENTS

Page

Testimony of Maiming Johnson 2145

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 1 : New Pioneer, February 1933, page 17,
Science and History for Boys and Girls, by William Montgomery Brown,

a review of this book l)y Bert Grant 2150

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 2 : New Pioneer, April 1932, pages 3 and

4. article entitled "The Puppet Show," by Clarina Michelson 2153

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 3 : New Pioneer, April 1934, page 267, story

entitled "Next Time It Will Be Different," by Martha Campion, illus-
trated by Walter Quirt 2155

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 4 : New Pioneer, April 1933, page 15, cartoon

signed "Lon Freeman"' 2156

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 5 : New Pioneer, February 1935, pages 10
and 11 V

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 6: New Pioneer, December 1931, pages 10

and 11, story entitled "St. Peter's Out," by Harry Alan Potamkin 2158

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 7 : New Pioneer, October 1934, page 10,

article entitled "A Bellyful of Bayonets" 2160

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 8: New Pioneer, October 1931, page 11,

cartoon 2162

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 9 : New Pioneer, February 1935, pages 8 and
9, Little Lefty Reports on the Workers' Congress, by "Del" 2162

Manning Jolmson Exhibit No. 10: The Communist, August 1939, pages
702 and 703, excerpt from Secondary Aspects of Mass Organization, by
AVilliam Z. Foster 2167

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 11 : Fight magazine, December 1935, page 2,
American League Against War and Fascism, officers and executive com-
mittee 2173

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 12 : Fight magazine, February 1934, page 11,

article entitled, "Hit Munition INLakers" 2175

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 13 : Figlit magazine, February 1936, pages
8 and 9, article entitled, "The Third Congress (Against War and
Fascism)," by Paul Reid 2191

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 14 : Fight magazine, September 1934, page

5, article entitled, "Anti-War Congress," by Earl Browder 2193

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 15: Fight magazine, February 1935, page

14, article entitled, "The League's Program" 2195

Manning Johnson Exhibit Nos. 16 and 17 : Fight magazine, February 1936,
page 0, article entitled, "Action" Fight, March 1936, page 14, article
entitled, "Program of the American League" 2196

III

Public Law 601, 79th Congress

The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American
Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79th Congress [1946], chapter
753, 2d session, which provides :

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States
of America in Congress assembled, * * *

PART 2— RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Rule X

SEC. 121. STANDING COMMITTEES
*******

17. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members.

Rule XI

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES
*******

(q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities.

(A) Un-American activities.

(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommit-
tee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent,
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States,
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa-
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attaclis
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and
(iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any neces-
sary remedial legislation.

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such in-
vestigation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable.

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting,
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person
designated by any such chairman or member.

RULES ADOPTED BY THE S3d CONGRESS

House Resolution 5, January 3, 1953
*******

Rule X

STANDING COMMITTEES

1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Congress,
the following standing committees :

*******
(q) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members.

*******

Rule XI

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES
*******

17. Committee on Un-American Activities.

(a) Un-American Activities.

(2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American prop-
aganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and
attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu-
tion, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in
any necessary remedial legislation.

The Committee on Uu-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi-
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable.

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance of
such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any
member designated by such chairman, and may be served by any person designated
by any such chairman or member.

'U-"t«.A-,

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 5
(New Pioneer, February 1935, pp. 10 and 11)

INVESTIGATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE
NEW YORK CITY AEEA-PART 7

(Based on testimony of Manning Johnson)

WEDNESDAY, JULY 8, 1953

United States House of Representatives,

Subcommittee of the Committee on

Un-American Activities,

New York, N. Y.

executive session^

The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities
met, pursuant to adjournment, at 10 : 05 a. m., in room 1305 of the
United States Courthouse, Foley Square, New York, N. Y., Hon.
Gordon H. Scherer presiding.

Committee member present: Representative Gordon H. Scherer.

Staff memb-ers present: Robert L. Kunzig, counsel; W. Jackson
Jones, Alvin W. Stokes, and George E. Cooper, investigators; Larry
Kerley, special investigator ; and Mrs. Juliette Joray , acting clerk.

]Mr. Scherer. Let the record show that the Honorable Harold H.
Velde, chairman of the House Committee on Un-American Activities,
has appointed Representative (jordon H. Scherer, of Ohio, as a sub-
connnittee of one to conclude the New York hearings.

Present are Mr. Robert L. Kunzig, counsel of the committee, and
Mrs. Juliette Joray, acting clerk.

Mr. Counsel, you may proceed.

jNIr. Kunzig. We are ready for the witness, Mr. Chairman.

Will Mr. INIanning Johnson please step forward?

Mr. Scherer. Mr. Johnson, do you solemnly swear that the testi-
mony you are about to give before this subcommittee shall be the
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God?

Mr. Johnson. I do.

]Mr. Kunzig. Would you state your full name for the record and
spell it, please, for the stenographer.

TESTIMONY OF MANNING JOHNSON

Mr. Johnson. Manning Johnson, M-a-n-n-i-n-g J-o-h-n-s-o-n.
Mr. Kunzig. What is your present address, Mr. Johnson?
Mr. Johnson. My present address is 70 Columbus Avenue.
Mr. Kunzig. I note, Mr. Johnson, that you are not accompanied by
counsel here this morning. I am sure you understand you are privi-

1 Released by the full committee.

2145

2146 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

leged to be advised by an attorney at all times while testifying if you
so desire. Do I take it that you prefer to testify without an attorney ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes; I do.

Mr. KuNziG. Then we will continue. Would you give the subcom-
mittee a resume of your educational and occupational background?
Just tell us your experiences, your main experiences up to date.

Mr. Johnson. I was born in Washington, D. C., December 18, 1907.
I was educated in the elementary, junior high, and high school in
Washington, D. C. I graduated from the Naval Air Technical Train-
ing School in Memphis, Tenn. I graduated from the national training
school of the Communist Party. m

Mr. KuNziG. What year was that? ^

Mr. Johnson. 1932. At the present time I am employed as a con-
sultant in the Investigation Section of the Department of Justice,
Immigration and Naturalization Service, in the city of New York.
In 1930, in the city of Buffalo, N. Y., I joined the Communist Party,
In 1931 I was appointed district agitation and propaganda director,
a position which I held until 1932. In the latter part of 1932 I was
appointed district organizer of the Communist Party in Buffalo,
N. Y., district No. 4. I remained district organizer until the middle
of 1934. I was later transferred to New York City, the headquarters
of the Communist Party in America.

In 1934 or 1935 I became a member of the trade union commission
of the national committee of the Communist Party. I held this posi-
tion until 1940.

I was also a member of the national Negro commission of the na-
tional committee of tlie Communist Party. I was appointed to this
position in either 1934 or 1935. I held this position up until I left
the party in 1940. I was also a member of the national committee of
the Communist Party. I was elected to the national committee at
the national convention of the Communist Party in 1936. I remained
a member of the national committee until the national convention of
the Communist Party in 1938.

I left the Communist Party — that is, I attended my last meeting in
1940, though I had decided in 1939 that I was tlirough with com-
munism and that forever after I would conscientiously and vigorously
oppose it, vocally and spiritually.

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, this committee is studying the activities
of certain individuals in the field of clergy with special attention to
their alleged Communist and subversive activities. Since you have
such a fund of knowledge of the activities of Communists in this coun-
try, would you state briefly the Communist position on religion?

Mr. Johnson. Briefly, the Communist Party is antireligious.
Communism and religion have nothing in common. Religion is the
antithesis of communism. Consequently, the Communists are un-
alterably opposed to it, and their program calls for a ceaseless struggle
or war to the complete extermination and extinction of religion from
the face of the earth. Atheism, as I know it, on the basis of my per-
sonal experience as a Communist and my study of the documents of
the party — that no member of the Communist Party can be a member
of the party unless he becomes an atheist.

I have here a statement by Earl BroAvder "Wliat is Communism?"
page 146, in which he states in reply to the question, "Must a member
of the Communist Party be an atheist?" that —

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2147

The Comniunists maintain that the roliffious holiofs of a person are his private
concern in rehition to the state and j,^ovornniontal policies. The state should
not dictate religious beliefs. We Communists are completely opposed on prin-
ciple to state coercion in regard to ri^ligious beliefs. Of course Communists do
not believe religion to be a private matter insofar as it concerns mcnnbers of our
revolutionary party. We stand without any reservations for education that will
root out belief in "the supernatural, that will remove the religious prejudices
which stand in the way of organizing the masses for socialism, that will with-
draw the special privileges of religious institutions, but as far as religious workers
go, tlie party does not insist that they abandon their beliefs before they join the
partv. Our test for such people is whether they represent and fight for the
aspiration of the masses. If they do, we will welcome them into our party
and we exercise no coercion against their religious beliefs within our movement.

We subject their religious beliefs to careful and systematic criticism, and we
expect that they will not be able to withstand this educational process. It is
our experience "that their work in the movement will bring them to see the
correctness of our viewpoint on the question.

Mv. KuxziG. Mr. Johnson, do you by any chance have the date that
the book, What Is Communism ? was published ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes; it was published in 1936, Workers Library Pub-
lishers, in New York.

INIr. KuNziG. As I understand it, then, Mr. Johnson, you are saying,
in effect, that atheism is a must for all Communists.

Mr. Johnson. It is a must.

I wish to call your attention to an additional quote from Earl
Browder's book. What Is Communism? in which he says that —

It is significant that the Communist Party, more than any other labor group,
has been able to achieve successful united fronts with church groups on the
most important issues of the day. This is not due to any compromise with reli-
gion as such on our part. In fact, by going among the religious masses we are,
for the first time, able to bring our antireligious ideas to them.

This is pa^e 147, chapter 17, "Wliat About Religion ?

Mr. KuNZiG. Do you have further documentary evidence proving
the point that you are making that Communists are unalterably
opposed to religion ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes; I have, and I would like to quote from one of
the international leaders of the Communist movement and a member
of the Communist Party of Russia, E. Yaroslavsky. From his book
I quote. Religion in the U. S. S. R., and, of course, published by
International Publishers in New York, a Communist publishing

agency

ISIr. KuNziG. Do you have the date ?
Mr. Johnson. 1934. He states :

Is it not possible to be a Communist and at the same time believe in religion ;
i. e., believe that the whole world is controlled by a god or number of gods and
that everything on earth is done by the will of these gods or of their assistance?
The saints or the malice of evil spirits, devils, flpuds, Satan V Is it possible to
live without believing in God and yet preserving morality?

Mr. KuNziG. You are still quoting, but you have skipped something,
have you not ?
Mr. Johnson. Yes.

Every Leninist, every Communist, every class-conscious worker and peasant
must be able to explain why a Communist cannot support religion, why Commu-
nists fight against religion, and every Communist must be able to answer the
questions put to him by his fellow workers on that subject.

Mr. KuNziG. Were you, Mr. Johnson, ever personally given instruc-
tion in atheism ?

33909— 53— rt. 7 2

2148 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Mr. Johnson. Yes; I was. When I first joined the Communist
Party, the district organizer, Peter Chaunt, C-h-a-u-n-t, and a mem-
ber of the district bureau and the district committee of the Communist
Party by the name of Otto Hall, talked at great length to me on the sub-
ject of communism and religion. The essence of what they said was
that man made God, not God made man, and that the duty of every
Communist is to rid himself of the supernatural bondage of religion ;
that religion is used by the powers that be in order to keep the masses
of the people in docile submission to exploitation. Therefore, the
liberation of the masses of humanity is dependent upon their emanci-
pation from religious ideology.

In addition to these so-called lessons of indoctrination, they gave me
Lenin's writings on religion, in which he states practically the same
thing.

Mr. KuNziG. When and where was this given to you, Mr. Johnson ?

Mr. Johnson. This was in Buffalo, N. Y., when I first joined the
party, in 1930.

Mr. KuNziG. Do you have any samples of any printed instruction
which was given to you ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I do have. I was given the pamphlets and
booklets that were written by Bishop William Montgomery Brown.
He was a prominent Episcopalian bishop who was expelled from the
church because of heresy. He devoted the balance of his life to a
war on religion. He published such books as the Banki-uptcy of
Christian Supernaturalism, Heresy, and others. The Communist
Party received a large supply of these antireligious pamphlets, and
they circulated them very extensively. They either gave them away
or sold them.

Mr. KuNziG. Throughout the United States of America?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, throughout the United States.

Mr. ScHERER. Let me just ask one question. You have here with
you this morning some of the books and pamphlets of Bishop Brown
to which you have referred ; have you not ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I have.

Mr. ScHERER. Would you just for the record say which ones are
in your possession at this time ?

Mr. Johnson. I have a copy of the Bankruptcy of Christian Super-
naturalism, volumes 1, 2, and 3.

Mr. ScHERER. Off the record.

(Discussion off the record.)

Mr. ScHERER. Mr. Johnson, in the books of Bishop Brown to which
you have just referred, is there anything of significance which should
be brought to the attention of the committee ?

_ Mr. Johnson. Yes, there is. He states in Communism and Chris-
tianism, on page 210 :

Christianism is nothing to eitlier the owners or workers in the sky, for Its
God and heaven, devil and hell are lies, and neither religious Christianism or
political republicanism or democratism, not to speak of the other evils of re-
ligion and politics, offers the workers aught on earth. Capitalism is the god
of this world, of no part of it no more than of these United States, and capi-
talism is to the laborer a wrong, lying, murderous devil, not a good divinity.

I may also state that the main theme of Bishop Brown was to
banish gods from the heavens and capitalists from the earth for the
science of Moscow against the superstition of Eome.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2149

Bishop Brown not only wrote such books for adults, but he also
wrote books for children in order to indoctrinate them in atheisni.

Mr. SciiERER. Let me ask at this point, is Bishop Brown still alive ?

Mr. Johnson. No, Bishop Brown is dead and incidentally, he willed
his entire estate to the Communist Party.

Mr. ScHERER. When did he die ; do you know ?

Mr. Johnson. I do not recall.

Mr. SciiERER. Approximately.

Mr. Johnson. About 10 years ago.

Mr. ScHERER. And he was bishop of what church?

Mr. Johnson. Episcopal bishop, but I do not know exactly which
church.

I stated before that he also issued antireligious material for chil-
dren, and I have here a photostatic copy taken from the New Pioneer,
the second month in the 33d year. That is February 1933. This is
an article Science and Nature for Johnny Rebel, by Bert Grant, which
was a review of a book written by Bishop Brown, and Grant said :

Once there was a young man who made his living by telling the workers fairy
tales about how the world was created. He also told them how the world was
going to end and what they must do to be saved when that happened. Most of
all, he was trained to lead the minds of workers and their children away from
their problems on this earth and to occupy their attention as much as possible
with affairs in some supposed other world beyond the sky. That is what all
ministers and priests make their living by doing, and this young man was a
minister. He preached in the Episcopal Church, but as he grew older, he came
to see how false his preaching was and how it really held the workers and their
children back instead of helping them. He therefore began to talk and write
in a different way. He began to show the workers how the churches had always
taught them what was not true and how these untrue teachings had stood in
the way of human progress. For that lie was thrown out of the church. Now
he has written a grand book, especially for workers' children, putting 2 billion
years of science and history into a simple, thrilling story that every Johnny and
Jill Rebel can read and enjoy, and how different it is from the dull mistaken
stuff they teach in school and church. No lists of dates and presidents, no
hocus pocus about spirits that don't exist, no comments to be loyal to the em-
ployers and their government and let them keep on robbing us — quite the oppo-
site. Every page tears to tatters some pet idea that the bosses try to make, the
teachers try to force into their heads.

Let us take two sets of statements. Set No. 1 is: The earth is 4,000 years
old ; the world and all li^■ing things in it were made in 1 week ; everything was
created by a Spirit called God; men were all wicked until Christian religion
came into the world to teach them goodness ; the church built the first schools
and hospitals and abolished slavery, helped science to grow, and established
human brotherhood.

If the workers come into power as in the Russian revolution, they will act
cruelly and stupidly and destroy civilization.

You'd get an A-plus if you answered "True" to these statements in most
schools, wouldn't you ? But let us look at set No. 2 :

The earth is 2 billion years old. For millions of years there was no life
on the earth. Then the very tiny plants called bacteria appeared in the hot
ocean and very gradually the life so started and developed in all plants and
animals we have now, and man was the latest animal to develop, coming about
a million years ago. There are no spirits and everything there grew to its
present condition without the interference of any god. Great thinkers taught
goodness and science and people were industrious and kindhearted long before
Christianity existed. The church was always in favor of slavery, tyranny and
war, did everything it could to crush science and has stood with the rich and
powerful against the workers in every age. The Russian revolution in which
the workers are planning their own life and using for themselves the wealth
they create, is the most important single advance civilization has made.

Quite a different point of view, isn't it? But this is the truth and set No. 1 is
bunk, and these are only a few of the fascinating facts this inspiring book will

2150 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE NEW YORK AREA

tell you ; even though there are no pictures, you will spend many an interesting
hour reading the little volume and talking about it with your comrades.

The name of the book? Oh, yes. It Is Science and History for Boys and Girls
by William Montgomery Brown. It has 320 pages, and you can get it through the
New Pioneer office for only 25 cents.

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, you are testifying that this type of
printed material, poisoning the minds of American youths, was sent
out by the Communist Party all over this country, is that right?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, that is correct, and mind you, those are young
people between the ages of 10 and 16.

Mr, KuNziG. I have here a photostatic copy of page 17, of New
Pioneer, issue of February 1933, which has just been read by the wit-
ness, headed "Science and Nature for Johnny Rebel." It is marked
"Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 1," and I should like to offer it into
evidence.

Mr. ScHERER. It will be received.

(The photostatic copy of the article, Science and Nature for Johnny
Rebel, was received in evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit No. 1.)

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 1

(New Pioneer, February 1933, p. 17)

Science and Nature For Johnny Eebel

A Grand New Science Book by Bert Grant

Once there was a young man who made his living by telling the workers fairy
tales about how the world was created. He also told them how the world was
going to end, and what they must do to be "saved" when that happened. Most of
all, he was trained to lead the minds of the workers and their children away
from their problems on this earth, and to occupy their attention as much as
possible with affairs in some supposed "other world" beyond the sky.

That is what all ministers and priests make their living by doing, and this
young man was a minister. He preached in the Episcopal Church. But as he
grew older he came to see how false this preaching was, and how it really held
the workers and their children back instead of helping them. He therefore
began to talk and write in a very different way. He began to show the workers
how the churches had always taught them what was not true, and how these
untrue teachings had stood in the way of human progress. For that he was
thrown out of the church.

Now he has written a gi-and book especially for workers' children, putting 2
billion years of science and history into a simple, thrilling story that every Johnny
and Jill Rebel can read and enjoy.

And how different it all is from the dull, mistaken stuff they teach us in school
and church. No lists of dates and presidents, no hocus-pocus about spirits that
don't exist, no comments to be "loyal" to the employers and their government and
let them keep on robbing us.

Quite the opposite. Every page tears to tatters some pet idea that the bosses
try to make the teachers try to force into our heads.

Let us take two sets of statements. Set No. 1 is :

The earth is 4,000 years old.

The world and all living things in it were made in 1 week.

Everything was created by a Spirit called God.

Men were all wicked until the Christian religion came into the world to
teach goodness.

The church built the first schools and hospitals, abolished slavery, helped
science to grow and established human brotherhood.

If the workers come into power, as in the Russian Revolution, they will act
cruelly and stupidly and destroy civilization.

You'd get an A-plus if you answered "true" to those statements in most schools,
wouldn't you? But now let us look at set No. 2 :

The earth is 2 billion years old.

COMLIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2151

For millions of years there was no life on the earth. Then very tiny plants,
called bacteria, appeared in the hot oceans, and very gradually the life so started
developed into all plants and animals we have now. Man was the latest animal
to develop, coming about a million years ago.

There are no spirits, and everything there grew to its present condition with-
out the interference of any god.

Great thinkers taught goodness and science, and people were industrious and
kindhearted long before Christianity existed.

The church was always in favor of slavery, tyranny, and war, did everything
it could to crush science, and has stood with the rich and powerful against the
workers in every age.

The Russian revolution, in which the workers are planning their own lives and
using for themselves the wealth they create, is the most important single advance
civilization has ever made.

Quite a different point of view, isn't it? But this is the truth, and set No. 1
is bunk. And these are only a few of the fascinating facts this inspiring book
will tell you. Even though there are no pictures, you'll spend many an inter-
esting hour reading the little volume and talking about it with your comrades.

The name of the book? Oh, yes — it is Science and History for Boys and
Girls, by William Montgomery Brown. It has 320 pages, and you can get it
through the New Pioneer office for only 25 cents.

Mv. KuNziG. Yoli have just given us an example of the type of
printed material which is sent out to children. Would you go a little
bit further into the type of instruction which the youth and the chil-
dren receive under commimism?

Mr. Johnson. When I was a member of the Communist Party, the
Communist Party paid special attention to the indoctrination of the
youth. They in fact issued special bulletins instructing leaders and
teachers with regard to the type of training for the youth.

I have here in my possession a pamphlet, The Worker's Child, which
was published in April 1933 by the Central Pioneer Bureau. It is a
bulletin for teachers, leaders, and parents of proletarian and foreign
children. I wish to quote from this book to give you an indication of
the kind and nature of training and where it comes from that these
children were to be given.

IMr. KuNziG. Please continue and give us a brief and most important
quote.

Mr. Johnson, On page 6 it states :

It was only in the summer of 1930 with the adoption of a resolution on work
among cliildren by the executive committee of the Young Communist International
and Communist International that a change took place in our conception of work
among children. This line was further emphasized successively by the sixth
convention of the Young Communist League in its pioneer commission and by a
recent resolution of the central committee of the Communist Party. These docu-
ments clarified further the basic line underlying a Communist approach to child
education, the necessity for childlike methods of work as well as the role of the
working class as a whole in the development of a mass childi'en's movement.
During this time the Pioneer magazine was developed. While it is necessary to
understand the resolution of the Communist Party in the light of development
of our movement, it is not the purpose of this article to go into detail on this
subject.

Mr. ScHERER. We will have a short recess.
( Where uj)on a short recess was taken.)

Mr. KuNzio. Was the Young Communist League for young people
of ages 16 to 25, is that correct ?
Mr. Johnson. That is correct.

Mr. KuNziG. The Young Pioneers were from ages 10 to 16 ?
Mr. Johnson. That is correct.

2152 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Mr. KuNZiG. This magazine, the New Pioneer, was a Communist
Party publication, I presume, issued by the children's bureau of the
Communist Party.

Mr. Johnson, Yes ; that is correct.

Mr. KuNziG. Do you have any further documents or material evi-
dence you can present to this committee illustrating the type of prop-
aganda which was put out by the Communist Party in religion ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I have ; and before I present that, I would like
to state that what is written in the Pioneer magazine is written directly
and not in a roundabout way, because that is necessary for the proper
education of the child.

Mr. KuNziG. You mean the Communist Party does not attempt to
beat around the bush when they are dealing with children. They deal
directly and say what they mean so that it can penetrate the children's
minds ?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct.

I have before me a cartoon and an article written by Clarina Michel-
son, who has for years been a leader of the Communist Party with
whom I have worked in leading committees of the party during the
period of my membership. The subject of this article, I quote, "The
Puppet Show." Now, this cartoon shows a capitalist with a fistful of
money manipulating puppets. The puppets are a sheriff, a policeman,
a minister, a judge, and a plant guard. The moral of this story is that
the puppets are only the tools of the capitalist class.

Now, Clarina Michelson makes this very clear in the concluding
2 paragraphs of the 2 stories which I would like to read into the
record.

Mr. KuNziG. Proceed.

Mr. Johnson. I quote :

And they had the idea that when the United States Constitution guaranteed
them the rights of free speech and free assemblage that they had a right to meet
and spealc. They were surprised and they began to think, and then they saw
that there were two sides, that they and their wives and the kids, all workers,
were on one side, and that on the otlier side were the coal operators, mill owners,
and all the otlier capitalists, together with the governors, judges, city. State,
and Federal authorities, together with the newspapers, churches, schools, and
the law, and they saw that all these were linked up together and all were part
of the same thing. When workers and their kids think that clearly and see that
clearly, it is pretty good thinking, and when enough of us do, we will give that
puppet show such a sock it will be smashed to smithereens and we will give the
fat manager of the show, Mr. Capitalist, such a big kick in the middle of his
system that he will see the workers have come into their own — and they will
have.

Mr. Ktjnzig. Mr. Chairman, I have in my hand a photostatic copy
of this document by Clarina Michelson which has just been identified
here by the witness. It is an article appearing on pages 3 and 4 of
the New Pioneer, issite of April 1932. It is marked "Manning John-
son Exhibit No. 2" for identification, and I should like to offer this
into evidence as Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 2.

Mr. ScHERER. It may be so admitted.

(The article, The Puppet Show, was received in evidence as Man-
ning Johnson Exhibit No. 2.)

COMMUNIST ACTWITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2153

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 2

New Pioneer, April ld'i2, Pages 3-4

The Puppet Show

By Clarina Michelson

Do yon know what a pnppet show is? Well, there is a stage, very small, too
small for real people to act on. The actors on this stage are jointed wooden dolls.
They are dressed up like real men and women. They walk and sit down and
dance and turn somersaults, and you wonder — How come? And then you see
that a siring is attached to each one of them and all these strings are held by
the manager of the show. When he pulls the strings they jump. They do just
what he wants them to do.

It ***** *

Down in the State of Kentucky the miners have been digging coal way under-
ground, at the daily risk of their lives, working for long hours — 10 and 12 hours a
day. Instead of getting extra high wages for slaving under very terrible condi-
tions— sometimes bent over double, sometimes working in water, sometimes be-
coming unconscious from the bad air in the mines — these coal diggers get hardly
any wages at all. When they get back to their leaky shacks after a hard day's
work, they would find the children had not been able to go to school because they
had no clothes, that the baby was sick because there was no milk, and there was
nothing to eat for supper except the same old potatoes, pinto beans, and corn-
bread.

The miners and their wives were angry that wages were so low and conditions
so bad. Almost every miner thought to himself, "This can't go on. I must do
something to get food and clothes for the wife and kids." But they didn't know
just what to do. Then last summer a group of Kentucky miners went to a big
convention of the National Miners Union in Pittsburgh and then they said : "This
won't go on! We will do something!" Other miners in Kentucky heard about
the National Miners Union and pretty soon, instead of each one thinking to him-
self what he would do, they were all thinking together what they would do.
They decided to build up a strong union — and strike against starvation. And
they did. The men of each mine organized a union local of that mine. And
the women organized branches, too. And so did the children. On .January 18
thousands of miners, helped and encouraged by their wives and kids, came out
on strike.

* * * * 55: * sjs

Here's where the puppet show comes in. Try to imagine that evei'y news])aper
all over the State of Kentucky is I'epresented by one of those little wodden dolls.
Try to imagine that all the churches are represented by another, and that all the
judges, county, and district attorneys, policemen, and deputy sheriffs, are repre-
sented by other dolls. Attached to each one of these dolls is a string, and the
strings are held in the hands of a big fat manager of the show, representing the
coal operators.

When this show manager heard the voices of the miners growing louder and
louder, saying they were organizing and going to strike, he got purple Iti the face
from rage. "How dare my slaves interfere with my profits !" he howled. "How
dare they ! I'll show them who's boss around here !" And he quickly pulled one
of the strings.

Typewriters began to click, and every newspaper all over Kentucky began to
gi-ind out : "The Kentucky miners are Russian Reds. They will destroy the
property of the rich. They will break up the home. They must be driven out,
arrested, or killed."

Then he pulled another string, and from every church all over Kentucky shrill
voices screeched : "Outside agitators have come into our fair southland, upset-
ting the peace and harmony the miners were enjoying. Cdmmunism is a slim.v
serpent. It aims to destroy the chui'ches (where we get a good fat living). It
says there is no God. These foreigners who dare to demand higher wages for our
contented working class must be driven out, arrested, killed."

Then he pulled some more strings, and all the policemen, deputy sheriffs, and
underworld characters, arrived with high-powered rifles and machine guns.
They swarmed to wherever the miners were, shouting, "There'll be no meetings.

2154 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

No more speeches. "We've come to shoot down women and children. Anyone
trying to meet or speali, for the National Miners Union, Workers International
Relief, or International Labor Defense, must be driven out, arrested, or killed."

Then he pulled another string, and every potbellied judge all over Kentucky
solemnly nooded his head, and said : "We must protect our property. We must
protect our profits. A drop of Kentucky blood is worth more than all the Reds
in the world. The electric chair is too good for them. They should be lined up
against a wall and shot. Guilty. Guilty. Slam 'em all in jail. Give them 21
years." He pulled another string, and the Governor said, "Amen." * * *

The Kentucky miners, whose ancestors were early American settlers, had be-
lieved what they read in the papers. Now they were surprised to find they had
suddenly become Russian Reds. "If organizing and striking against starvation
and terror is l)eing a Red, I guess I am a Red," they said. Many of them had
thought that the law was "for rich and poor alike."

Now they saw different. And they had an idea that when the United States
Constitution guaranteed them the rights of free speech and free assemblage, that
they had a right to meet and speak. They were surprised and they began to
think. And then they saw that there were two sides ; that they, and their wives
and kids — all workers, were on one side. And that on the other side were the
coal operators, mill owners, and all the other capitalists, together with the
governors, judges, city, State, and Federal authorities. Together with the news-
papers, churches, schools, and the law. And they saw that all these were linked
up together, and all were part of the same thing.

When workers and their kids think that clearly, and see that clearly, it is
pretty good thinking. And when enough of us do, we will give that puppet show
such a sock, it will be smashed to smithereens, and we will give the fat manager
of the show, Mr. Capitalist, such a big kick in the middle of his system, that
he'll see the workers have come into their own. And they will have.

Mr. Johnson. I have here also another cartoon and an article, the
subject of which is, Next Time It Will Be Different^ by Martha Cam-
pion, the picture by Walter Quirt. The cartoon shows

Mr. ScHERER. Will you excuse me just a minute? Do you know
anything about the background of the author and the

Mr. Johnson. Martha Campion was a member of the Young Com-
munist League.

Mr. ScpiERER. Do you know anything about the cartoonist ?

Mr. Johnson. I do not recall at this particular time.

Mr. ScHERER. Go ahead, I am sorry.

Mr. Johnson. This cartoon shows a capitalist behind whom stands
a priest and another individual shouting, "War, War, War," There is
also in the cartoon a picture, "Give 'til it hurts," an attempt to sell
Liberty bonds to a student with a worker lying prostrate on the
ground.

The moral of this cartoon is self-evident, but clearly indicates that
the priest is a supporter of war and of capitalism which, according to
the Communists,* breeds war, and tliat the only thing tliat a woi4?:er
can get out of it is death on the battkfields. In this way they inject
their antireligion poison in the tender minds of children between the
ages of 10 and 16. Once the religious convictions of a child are de-
stroyed, it is very eas}^ to indoctrinate them in the Comnnmist philos-
ophy of hate.

Mr. KuNziG. I have in my hand a photostatic copy of page 267, of
New Pioneer, April 1931, containing an article entitled "Next Time It
Will Be Different," by Martha Campion, which has just been testified
to, marked "Manning Johnson Exliibit No. 3," and I shoidd like to
offer this into evidence, Mr. Chairman.

Mr. ScHERER. It may be received.

(The document entitled "Next Time It Will Be Different" was
received in evidence as Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 3.)

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2155

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 3

(New Pioneer, April 1934, page 267)

Next Time It Will Be Different

By Martha Campion

(Picture by Walter Quirt)

"Do you remember anything about the last war, Jean?" some Pioneers asked
their comrade leader while they were waiting for their meeting to begin.

"I was pretty young," responded Jean, "but I remember a few things about
it."

"Tell us," urged the Pioneers. "Did the Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts really do
so much to help the war? And what did the other boys and girls do?"

"Well, they did plenty. Suppose I tell you just what I remember. I guess the
first thing was the reelection of President Wilson. My father said one night,
"Well, I've been a Republican all my life, but I'm voting for Wilson. He kept us
out of war."

"The fathers of most of the girls and boys I knew voted for Wilson, too. One
girl's father voted for Hughes, and we used to tease her by saying, 'I guess you
want a war if you vote for him. You ought to vote for Wilson because he kept
us out of war.'

"Of course, we didn't know that there was no difference between Hughes the
Republican and Wilson the Democrat. We didn't know that both parties were
backed by the bosses and both would have to do what the bosses wanted.

"The bosses and (sic) been been preparing for war for a long time, but we
didn't know that either. I remember when I was in the first grade we used to
march around the room with flags over our shoulders singing a song that went
like this :

" 'Soldier boy, soldier boy, where ai'e you going
Waving so proudly the red, white, and blue?
I'm fighting for my country where duty calls me
If you'll be a soldier boy, you may come too.'

"And, of course we all learned the American Creed and all that.

"The next thing I remember is this. One day in April — a day like today — I
went to the corner to get the daily newspaper. I brought it back to our porch
where my mother was sitting with the baby on her lap. I spread the paper out
on the porch and lay down on my belly to read it. Usually I read the comics
first and stopped there, but this day the big letters on the front page caught
niy eye. I spelled out the headlines aloud :

United States Declares War on Germany

"I was so intent on spelling out the words, that they didn't mean anything
to me. They were just so many words I could read. But when my mother
heard me, she jumped up and exclaimed 'You're joking."

"I was surprised. How could I be joking about something I didn't even under-
stand?

" 'Give me that paper,' she said. Then I began to realize how important this
headline was.

"Then I remember how it was in school during the war. We sang war songs in
assembly every morning. All about how the American soldiers were going to
kill all the Germans.

"Our teachers called the Germans 'Huns.' They told us how their (sic.)
nailed little babies to barn doors and made their mothers sit and watch them
die. They told us all sorts of horrible stories about the Germans, and we all
believed them. Of course, we realize now * * *."

Mr. Johnson. Once religion is destroyed in the minds of young-
sters between the ages of 10 and 16, it is very easy for the Communist
Party to indoctrinate them in their philosophy of hate, and they do
this very cleverly.

I have here a cartoon taken from the New Pioneer, April 1933,
signed Lou Freeman, in which there is a capitalist hanging from a

33909— 53— pt. 7 3

2156

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

tree, alongside of which are the following words : "Not long from now
the bourgeoise will all be hanging from a tree."

In other words, they are instilling in the minds of these youngsters
the commission of murder, of lynchmg.

Mr. KuNziG. The cartoon from the New Pioneer, page 15, of April
1933, which has just been testified to, I have in my hand and is Man-
ning Johnson Exhibit No. 4, and I ask that it be admitted into evi-
dence, Mr. Chairman.

Mr. ScHERER. It may be so admitted.

(The cartoon referred to was received in evidence as Manning John-
son Exhibit No. 4.)

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 4
(New Pioneer, April 1933, p. 15)

THOJSMOS UPON
TH0USArvD5 OfOMlON$
OP MILK AKE

POURED INTO THL

SEA -VJH!L£.

THOU5AMD5 OF

CHILDREN ARE

STARVING FOR

LACK Of IT

Page IS

Mr. Johnson. I have here an article and cartoon from the New
Pioneer, February 1935. The subject of the article is, We Won't Be
Fooled Again, story by Helen Zunser, Z-u-n-s-e-r. This cartoon
shows a huge capitalist, alongside of whom is standing representatives
of the clergy and the militarists. Between his legs, the capitalist's
legs, is a rabble rouser. In another cartoon alongside of this is a car-
toon of the capitalists, the clergy, and the military fleeing from the
revolt of the workers and the farmer. The moral of the story is that
the ministers, the capitalists, and the military and their spellbinders
create war. They created the last war, and they will create war again,
and only the revolt of the masses of workers and farmers against
them will be able to defeat their plans for another war — in other
words, will turn the war into a civil war and overthrow the Govern-
ment like the workers did in Soviet Russia.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2157

Mr. KuNziG. I have a photostatic copy of, We Won't Be Fooled
Again, from the New Pioneer of February 1935, marked "Manning
Johnson Exhibit No. 5," and I ask respectfully, sir, that this be ad-
mitted into evidence.

Mr. ScHERER. It may be so admitted.

(The photostatic copy of We Won't Be Fooled Again was received
in evidence as Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 5.)^

Mr. KuNziG. Do you have any further illustrations of Communist
attempts to influence the minds of children?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I have.

This is an article written by Alan Potamkin. The subject of the
article is, St. Peter's Out.

The cartoon in the picture, most interesting, shows young boys
dressed in football clothes attacking a Jewish rabbi, a minister, and
a nun, and a policeman. The conclusion of the article has a doleful
ditty :

The game was played on Sunday in old St. Peter's yard. Jesus was the full-
back and the Holy Ghost the guard. Tommy tried to butt us, but he got butted
just too hard.

This is the sort of stuff that the Youner Communist Leaarue and the
Young Pioneers have circulated to youths between the ages of 10
and 16.

I have several other articles and cartoons along this same line that
I would like to introduce into the record.

Mr. ScHERER. Let me ask you this, Mr. Johnson: If I am correct
in assuming that the purpose of your testimony in referring to these
articles and cartoons is to indicate that children who would accept
this type of propaganda could not possibly accept the teachings of any
of our major religions?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. The whole purpose is to destroy
religion among the youngsters and to prepare them for indoctrina-
tion of the whole program of the Communist Party.

As I said before, the philosophy of hate — and I would like to say
here that I was reading a ditty that was published along this line
which goes on to say :

In '17 we went to war ; in '17 we went to war ; in '17 we went to war — ^we're
wiser now in '34. It's time to turn those guns the other way.

In bosses' war the worker gets — in bosses' war the worker gets — in bosses'
war the worker gets — a belly full of bayonets. It's time to turn those guns the
other way.

This is the antithesis of Christian charity, teaching the youngster
to disbelieve in God and at the same time indoctrinating him in hate
and murder.

Mr. ScHERER. You arrived at those conclusions which you have
just given the committee not only from the articles you have just read
from and which have been introduced in evidence, but from your
long and intimate experience in the Communist Party itself, is that
right?

Mr. Johnson. Yes; during the period that I was a leader in the
Communist Party, I assisted in the sale and distribution and circula-
tion of these magazines, and I was fully aware of the content of them
at that particular time, and I know that they were spread far and wide.

1 For Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 5, see frontispiece, p. vi.

2158 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

but what is most significant is that those children were youngsters at
that time, and they are today grown men and women.

Mr. ScHERER. I assume, Mr. Johnson, that your realization of the
damage which you were doing by participating in these types of
activities was one of the reasons that caused you to leave the party,
am I correct?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct, it was one of the reasons, and I
happened to run across a letter that was written by a young girl to the
Young Pioneer and published in the Pioneer magazine that really
made me ashamed of some of the work that I assisted in doing during
the time that I was in the party. I would like to read this letter.

Mr. ScHERER. You may read it.

Mr. Johnson (reading) :

The church keeps the workers in the dark. I have tried to get more sub-
scribers to the New Pioneer, but the people have given their last penny to the
great faker vphich is the church. I told them and argued with them that the
Pioneer is the best and truest magazine published. 1 have the children on my
side, but when the parents ask the children what the magazine is and they tell
their parents, the parents say, "Oh, so, the magazine doesn't say anything about
the holy church of God. Well, then, you cannot buy that magazine." These
people are still in the dark. They would rather starve than fight for their
rights. They go to church every day and keep fasting. They are always fast-
ing or starving. Instead of helping the working class, they help keep the
preacher or priest or Pope rich, but I'll try to show them.

Signed, Anastasia Dimitruck, Alliance, Ohio.

Mr. ScHERER. Off the record.

(Discussion off the record.)

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Chairman, before we go any further in taking
this testimony, I would like at this point to offer into evidence the
article from the New Pioneer of December 1931, entitled, "St. Peter's
Out," which was testified to a few moments ago. It is listed as Man-
ning Johnson Exhibit No. 6, and I now offer it into evidence.

Mr. ScHERER. It may be so received.

(The article from the New Pioneer entitled "St. Peter's Out" was
received in evidence as Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 6.)

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 6.

(New Pioneer, December 1931, pp. 10 and 11)

St. Peter's Out

Another Story of the Striker's
Boys Club of the Neck

By Harry Alan Potamkin
Illustrated by Philip Reisman

The carmen needed money for kitchens to feed their women and kids. It
was a cold winter. And the strike was hard. The Strikers Boys' Club of the
Neck challenged the Northeast Pioneers from the textile district to a football
game, all receipts to the kitchen fund. The game was scheduled for Sunday
at the ball field on the Dump, the lower end of the Neck. The girls roasted
wieners, snuggled them in cozy soft rolls, and beautified them with mustard —
a meal for a nickel — and a tin cup of coffee, another jitney. The profit went
to the kitchen fund which the women and girls handled.

A city ordinance prohibited a chai-ge for admission to games played on Sun-
day. The boys got around this by printing "invitations" to a football game
for the striking carmen's kitchen fund. No admission charged. But two bits
accepted "as a sign of solidarity." And every one who "accepted" the "invita-

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2159

tion" showed his solidarity. Except the delegation from St. Peter's Parish
Church and Parochial School.

There had been tall doings in the Catholic school. The former Huckleberries,
now part of the Strikers Boys' Club, had attended St. Peter's until the principal.
Father Thomas, called Peeping Tom because he always spied on the boys got up
one day and called the strikers "tools of the devil." Dan Maloney rose and
yelled : "Then we'll go to the devil" and all the Hucks walked out and never
returned. Peeping Tom gathered Rabl)i Isaacs of the Shalom Synagogue and the
Reverend Muddle of the Baptist Church and they held a public meeting to bring
the strikers "to their senses." Well, the strikers came to their senses mighty
quick. They attended the meeting in a body and one after another their repre-
sentatives— Irish, Jewish, German, Italian, Polish, Russian, American — rose
to ask Peeping Tom and "Father" Isaacs and "Rabbi" Muddle — one was the
same as the other — to answer a few simple questions :

Were they serving God in calling this meeting? And who was God serving?
Were they getting telephone messages from Mr. God, of the Rapid Transit Co.?
Were they well fed? And by whom? And from whose earnings did their
wages come? Should the starving workers wait until judgment day or should
they make their own judgment day?

Why were the three churches joined tonight on the same platform and yet
in the schools and the four walls of their churches they were doing everything
to split the strikers' ranks, Jew against Christian, Irish against German, Polish
against Russian?

Priest and rabbi and minister didn't want the strikers to do "violence." Did
that mean they didn't want the workers to defend their rights? And why
didn't these three protest the violences of the Rapid Transit?

R. T. stood for Rapid Transit, and for Rotten Treatment, and didn't it stand
also for Religious Tommyrot?

The answers didn't satisfy the strikers. And the boys went on advertising
the game. The Northeast Pioneers drove down in buses and wagons. They
brought with them their mascot, Buck, a battling billy goat. Bands of boys and
girls marched to the game afoot — red flags flying and brave voices singing :

"We are the young fighters
Whose battle flag is red.
We are the young fighters
Who know no fear or dread,"

At 2 p. m. the crowd had filled every seat and sat on the roof of the stand and
on the fences. It was a great sight. At 2 : 30 the game was to start. The
crowd was eager. But just as the game was about to start an uninvited delega-
tion entered — Father Thomas, Rabbi Isaacs, and Reverend Muddle with a host
of school bullies and old maids.

Father Thomas walked to the midfield and called out : "In the name of the
Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, I forbid this desecration of the Lord's day."

Dan Maloney picked up the referee's megaphone and shouted : "In the name
of the mother, the sister, and the holy smoke, I declare this day closed to R. T."

The crowd rose and laughed and cheered.

Rabbi Isaacs jumped in to say something, but Izzy Moore forestalled him by
introducing "the Pope."

Father Muddle got out in the middle, and got all muddled up. He began
to stutter. A little Italian girl, very innocent, went up to him and asked him
would he buy a hotdog, mustard and all?

The old maids with the delegation were very angry. They hurried off the field
in a fluster. But the bullies gathered around Father Thomas, Rabbi Isaacs, and
the Reverend Muddle, and stood there, husky, tough-looking young men. Father
Thomas harangued the crowd : "This is the work of the devil. You are being
led astray by infidels. You are unpatriotic."

The crowd rose in anger. "Get out of here, you hypocrite," they yelled.

One of the bullies put a whistle to his mouth and in ran a regiment of police.
The crowd's disgust and rage became even greater.

The police lieutenant walked up to the clergymen. "Well?" he asked. Father
Thomas pointed to Dan Maloney. Rabbi Isaacs to Izzy Moore, and the Reverend
Muddle to Phil Blake, captain of the Northeast Pioneers. The three boys saw
the trick and ran into the grandstand. The bullies went after them, but the boys
beat them off with the help of the spectators. Father Thomas advanced. And
as he approached the grandstand Bu(.'k, the Northeast goat, trotted out of the
dugout, saw Peeping Tom's fat seat, and sailed directly for a touchdown. Such

2160 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

laughter was never heard before in the four corners of the world. When the
priest arose he was Peeping Tom, indeed. Two blinking eyes peeped through a
face maslied with mud. The priest roared : "In the name of the Father, the Son,
and the Holy Ghost, I demand the arrest of everyone."

At that even the police lieutenant began to laugh. "Well compromise," he
said, "we'll arrest the ringleaders." He turned to the boys in homemade uni-
forms: "Who's the ringleader?"

Thirty voices answered "Me."

The police lieutenant's face reddened. "Well, I'll be damned if I won't pull
you all in." No sooner did he say this than Dan Maloney threw the pigskin into
the air and Phil Blake went for it. The 30 boys, 2 teams and 6 substitutes,
suddenly piled in a heap on —

When the heap had scattered into the grandstand on the muddy ground lay a
police lieutenant, face downward. Distributed through the grandstand sat 27
boys in their daily clothes. Three of the 30 were on their way home in a battered
tin lizzie. The lieutenant rose and shook his fist in the priest's face. "This
was all a trick of yours."

Rabbi Isaacs came up to the two. "We'd better leave."

Father Muddle said, "And we'd better keep it quiet. If the papers should
hear of this."

The papers did. That is, the strikers' special newspaper wrote it up. And
the Strikers Boys' Club sang a doleful ditty :

"The game was played on Sunday in old St. Peter's yard,
Jesus was the fullback and the Holy Ghost the guard.
Tommy tried to butt us — but he got butted just too hard."

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson also testified, Mr. Chairman, with respect
to three other documents which he had which illustrated the same
point of Communist control of the minds of youth.

I therefore now offer into evidence in a group three of these docu-
ments marked "Manning Johnson Exhibits Nos. 7, 8, and 9."

Mr. ScHERER. They may be so received.

(The three documents referred to were received in evidence as
Manning Johnson Exhibits Nos. Y, 8, and 9.)

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 7
(New Pioneer, October 1934, p. 10)
A Belly Full of Bayonets

In '17 we went to war

We're wiser now in '34

It's time to turn those guns the other way.

In bosses' wars the worker gets

A belly full of bayonets

It's time to turn those guns the other way.

In the next war, if the boys and girls who attended the New York City Chil-
dren's Conference Against War and Fascism have anything to do with it, the
bosses who make the war will get their belly full of bayonets.

And I expect these boys and girls will have something to say about it. There
were 228 of them, including visitors, and when Dr. Treadwell Smith, chairman
of the New York City League Against War and Fascism, asked how many of
them were going to organize their friends and schoolmates into clubs to fight
war and fascism, they all raised their hands.

It was a fine conference. Would you like to know what organizations were
there? Well, there were the Pioneers, the I WO Juniors, the children's section
of the Russian National Mutual Aid Society, the Nature Friends Scouts, the
Jewish Schools, the Finnish Federation Pioneers, the Young Defenders, the
Grand Street Settlement House, the Pioneer Youth of America, a Boy Scout

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2161

troop, a Free Food Fighters Club, the Bronx Busy Bees, and the recreation rooms
of some settlement houses.

Here is what happened at the meeting. Dr. Treadwell Smith gave a talk
about why children should fight against war and fascism, and then the delegates
asked lots of questions, which Dr. Smith and other delegates answered. There
were questions about the causes of war and others about the best ways of or-
ganizing against war. The American League is preparing a program of action
for its children's section. If you want to make any suggestions to them, you
should write to the Children's Committee Against War and Fascism at 413
Fourth Avenue, New York City, N. Y. They would be very glad to hear from you
and to get your ideas.

After the questions came a very interesting part of the program. Del, the
Daily Worker cartoonist, gave a short talk and then a chalk talk.

Del told how he was a Boy Scout living in Paris in the last war. He used to
hear the French soldiers marching to war singing how they were going to "make
sausages out of the Germans." When his family had to leave Paris because the
fighting was coming too close, Del saw these soldiers returning from war, looking
like chopped meat themselves. In England, airplanes dropped shells right
across the street from his home. Then he came to America, and on the way the
ship came near being blown up by a submarine.

Del wondered how people could say the war was glorious, but not knowing
any better, he joined the Boy Scouts over here and sold more Liberty bonds and
war savings stamps than any other boy in his class. "I was proud of it then,
but I'm ashamed of it now," said Del, "because it helped the bosses continue the
war, and more workers were killed and hurt for the profits of Morgan."

Then Del appealed to all the delegates to join and form organizations to fight
hard against war and fascism before they come.

Next month we are going to tell you about the program of action the delegates
will start to carry out. But don't wait for that. Tell your leaders and parents
and the branch of the American League in your city that you want a city
conference of children against war and fascism right away. Send invitations to
the Boy Scouts, settlement houses, and all children's clubs. Then write in and
tell the New Pioneer about it.

And, by the way, you can get some good ideas from reading about the big
second congress of the American League Against War and Fascism, and the
Youth Congress, to be held September 28, 29, and 30, in the Daily Worker. This
congress will take place in Chicago. It will be very interesting and very
important, for delegates representing hundreds of thousands of people will
be there. This is the most important thing that's happening this month. Don't
miss the reports of it in the Daily.

2162 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 8

l-yi:i.NXfe JOilKSQN .EXhIBlT. NO, S
;,. ("iJBW jeianesn,;-, October l^^l)

Rimes

By Lisle Rigby

O sing a song of Hoover—

This bloated saint would
die

Before he'd see the workers

Eating cheese and pie.

Drawing by Otto Soglow

He'd turn the cock-eyed
world on end

And pile the graveyards
high

Before he'd give the work-
ers bread

Right now instead of "bye-
and-bye"

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 9

(New Pioneer, February 1935, pp. 8 and 9)

Little Lefty Repouts on the Workers' Congress

By "Del"

Well gee whiz, I don't know wbere to start. So many exciting things happened
in those 3 days of January 5, 6, and 7, that I'm kind of mixed up. I guess I'll
begin by telling you about the special train that took the delegates to Washington
from New Yorli.

In Pennsylvania Station there were hundreds of delegates. At about midnight
they let us through the gates and we all hopped on the train. We got seats and in
a few moments the trainmaster blew the whistle and hollered "All aboard."
All of a sudden I got a big lump in my throat. I thought of Mom and Pop,
of Peanuts and Spunky wagging his tail and it seemed I was leaving them far
behind. Then I reminded myself tbat I was only going away for a few days,
and I felt a little better.

On the train it was just like old home week. Everybody seemed to know
everybody else, and if you didn't it made no difference. You just spoke to
anyone you liked and it seemed you bad known the person for years. I guess it's
because everyone had the same feelings about the Congress.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2163

In spite of the singing and joking the train got me drowsy and I fell fast
asleep. When I woke up Uncle John was carrying me out of the train, into
Union Station in Washington, D. C. Along with some 18 or 20 others we went
into a restaurant to get some coffee. I suppose you've heard about how they
refused to serve the two Negro delegates with us. Well, the rest of us ordered
great big meals and after they were placed in front of us we didn't touch them
and walked out witliout paying, as a protest against the boss' dirty Jim Crow
ideas. Well, you sliould have seen this guy's face. It went the color of one
of his tablecloths. Ha ! Ha ! Excuse me but I gotta laugh when I just think
of it.

When we got to Washington Auditorium, we got a swell breakfast. Then
the Ccmgress started in earnest. Herbert Benjamin, the national secretary of
the unemployment councils, told about the whole history of the fight to get
unemployment relief through House Resolution 2827 (it used to be H. R. 7598).
It's a swell idea. In case a worker gets thrown out of work through no fault of
his own the Government pays him $10 a week and $3 extra for each one who
depends on him, like his wife and kids. And the bosses have to foot the bill.

Of course, everyone knew that the bosses would never give this out of their
own big hearts and would fight it, but the speakers explained that we were there
to make plans how to fight for our right to live.

When the session closed we went into the lobby and there I saw cowboys and
sharecroppers, lumberjacks and farmers, and one big strapping delegate who
looked, spoke, and dressed like Daniel Boone. They seemed like they had
stepped out of the pages of my history book.

The most exciting part of the convention was when Earl Browder, the Secre-
tary of the Communist Party, got through speaking. First he said that we were
not in Washington to kidnap the President like they had in the papers — and
did everybody laugh.

When he got through speaking everybody got up and sang Solidarity. What
a thrill ran up and down my spine.

On the last day, we went to see Secretary Perkins. Of course she was "not
in". So we spoke to her secretary, Edward McGrady. Ann Burlak led the
delegation and introduced a mother in the coal-mining region who told about
how it was impossible for her to properly care for her children, and asked
McGrady to support our unemployment insurance bill.

This McGrady guy thought he was putting over a fast one and very sym-
patheticlike says '"Leave me your name and address and I'll send you a book on
how to feed your children." Well, you should have seen Ann Burlak snap out
that we couldn't squeeze food and milk out of his books.

After that the Congress wound up and we went back to Union Station and took
the next train back for home. Believe me, these were the three most thrilling
days of my life.

Of course, the fight for unemployment insurance is just beginning. We all have
lots of work to do. I asked Uncle John if kids could help and he said, "Sure."
So I'm helping, and I hope you all are too.

Mr. ScHERER. Now, Mr. Johnson, I think it is important at this
point to ask, during the time that you were an active member of the
Communist Party, whether you were an atheist. Is that right?

Mr. JoHNSOx. No, I was not. I hid my religion. I committed the
grievous sin of hiding it. I outwardly accepted the atheistic anti-
religious program of the Communists, but secretly in my heart I re-
tained my religious convictions. Of course, that was an awful strug-
gle, an internal struggle, a struggle between two different and oppos-
ing philosophies, the philosophy of charity and the philosophy of
hate. Sometimes I wonder how I did that tightrope walking.

Mr. ScHERER. Now, since you have left the party, however, you are
no longer, I believe, hiding your religion ?

Mr. JoHxsoN. No, I am not.

Mr. ScHERER. Are you a member of a church ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I joined a Baptist Church in New Jersey sev-
eral years ago. Of course, time has not permitted me to attend the
services, but I do attend church services in New York regularly,
though I have not connected myself with a church in New York.

33909— 53— pt. 7 4

2164 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, we have had extensive testimony here
concerning the New Pioneer. That publication, if my information is
correct, stopped coming out in about 1938, is that correct?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, about 1938.
^ Mr. KuNziG. If it lies within your knowledge, is there any publica-
tion today with Communist influence behind it attempting also to
influence the minds of youth ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, there is, the publications of the International
Workers' Order, the organization through which the Young Pioneer
movement functions today.

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, the IWO is presently involved in court
proceedings in the State of New York. I know the case is still going
on, but there were various stays issued by judges preventing the or-
ganization in some ways from functioning. Do you mean to say that
still today this type of propaganda is being put out through the or-
ganization at this very moment?

Mr. Johnson. My understanding is that it is.

Mr. KuNziG. That is an amazing thing, sir ; and I think the record
should show this information.

Mr. Johnson, during the period of your membership in the Com-
munist Party was there ever any deviation from the basic antireligious
line?

Mr. Johnson. No, there was never any deviation from the basic
antireligious line.

Mr. KuNziG. Was there a change of tactical application of this
antireligious policy ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, there was. There was a change in the tactical
application of the Communist Party's antireligious policy. This tac-
tical change was made in 1932, if I recall correctly, when I was present
at a meeting of the national committee of the Communist Party in
New York, at which time Earl Browder made a speech to the commit-
tee in which he said that our aim should be to draw the religious ele-
ment into the movement before we convinced them to become
atheists.

In other words, to reverse the old policy of convincing the worker
and farmer to become an atheist before he became active in the Com-
munist Party movement. As Browder put it, that old policy was
like putting the cart before the horse.

Mr. KuNziG. In other words, if you cannot completely destroy
religion, would you say that the correct phraseology would be that it
is best to attempt to infiltrate it first and then later destroy it ?

Mr. Johnson. I would say that the policy then was to first get the
worker and the farmer involved in Communist activities, and in the
course of his involvement in these activities you steadily indoctrinate
him in the antireligious philosophy of the Communist Party. This
was contrary to previous procedure where the Communist first ap-
proached the average worker and farmer with an antireligious pro-
gram and policy. The result was that the Christian worker was
antagonized, and there was built up a wall of resistance between the
party and the religious element in America, and the new policy was for
the purpose of breaking down this wall of resistance and getting the
Christian element in, thereby getting the Communist Party out of the
rut of sectarianism in which it had fallen.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE NEW YORK AREA 2165

Mr. KuNZiG. Mr. Johnson, I note that you just mentioned the date
of 1932, and some of your previous examples of antireligious propa-
ganda went much further, into 1935 and 1936. Can you explain just
what the policy was?

Mr. Johnson. There is no contradiction there. The Communist
Party did both. They continued their antireligious propaganda and
at the same time they revised their tactical approach toward the Chris-
tian element in order to get them in. Once they got them in, they con-
tinued to indoctrinate them in their antireligious program.

Mr. KuNziG. What was known as the united front, Mr. Johnson?

Mr. Johnson. The united front was a development of a new tactical
line by the Communist International in 1935. This new tactical
line was developed at the seventh world congress of the Communist
International in Moscow in 1935. Georgi Dimitrov, general secretary
of the Communist International, presented this new tactical line to
the seventh world congress.

Now, the essence of it was to infiltrate churches, trade unions and
all other organizations through the process of involving them into a
so-called united front on the basis of a program presented to them by
the Communist Party.

Now, the united front was a coalition or an alliance of the church,
trade unions, farm and youth and women's organizations of the Com-
munist Party, under Communist Party leadership and for the pro-
mulgation of the Communist Party program. It was a step in the
formation of a people's front government, which of course is a form of
transition to proletarian revolution and the seizure of power in a given
country. As Dimitrov said, the united front is useful, but the final
salvation is in a socialist revolution. The united front is used for
revolutionary training of the masses.

Mr. KuNziG. Can you explain the phrase "outstretched hand of
communism?"

Mr. Johnson. Yes; I can. The outstretched hand was the new
united-front policy of the Communist International applied all over
the world. It was the extension of the hand of friendship and coop-
eration to the church, while in the other hand holding a dagger to
drive through the heart of the church. In other words, it was a ruse
whereby they could get the churches involved in united-front activities
with the Communists so that the Communists could bring to the
religious element in America their antireligious program. In other
words, to educate the masses in the revolutionary program and policy
of the Communist Party, to prepare them ideologically and organiza-
tionally for the overthrow of the Government of the United States.

I have here some documents that I would like to introduce into the
record at this point. First, I have here the Communist, the theo-
retical organ of the Communist Party, in which there is an article,
The United Front, the Key to Our New Tactical Orientation, by Earl
Browder.

I want to quote from pages 1076 and also 1077.

First, 1076 :

The first argument said that by adopting a new tactical orientation the Com-
munists are admitting whether they want to or not that their old tactical
orientation was wrong and had to be changed because it was wrong. To this
our answer is not at all. The seventh world congress formulated a new tactical
line because new conditions have arisen, not because the old line was wrong.
The Communists are Marxists, Leninists, Stalinists.

2166 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

On page 1077 :

And then another change, the proved inability of the bourgeoise to overcome
the collapse of capitalist stabilization, it proved inability to make any progress
toward overcoming the final crisis of the capitalist system. * * * That is why
the seventh world congress formulated the new tactical orientation which seized
the final and irrevocable victory of socialism. The inability of the bourgeoisie
to overcome the collapse of the capitalist stabilization and the growing urge of
the struggle for socialism.

I would like to state in explanation of the foregoing quotation that
Dimitrov clearly pointed out in his speech that the united front
which is aimed at getting control of the churches is not a digression
from the basic position of the Communist Party ; that is, the struggle
for revolution, the conquest of power, but merely a reconstruction
of tactics in accordance with changing situation. It is the tactic
to draw wide masses into revolutionary class struggle where the
working people, both Christians and Jews, will be welded into a
millionfold strong revolutionary army, led by the Communist Inter-
national under the leadership of Stalin at that time.

Now, the tactics called for in the building of this united front
were also brought out by Dimitrov. He calls attention in his speech
to a story taken from Greek history in which he states, and I quote:

Comrades, you remember the ancient tale of the capture of Troy. Troy was
inaccessible to the armies attacking her, thanks to her impregnable walls, and
the attacking army, after suffering great losses, was still unable to achieve
victory until, with the aid of the Trojan horse, it managed to penetrate to the
very heart of the enemy's camp.

In other words, what he is saying is that if vou cannot take over the
churches by frontal attack, take them over by the use of deception and
guile and trickery, and that is exactly what the Communists practice
in order to infiltrate and subvert the church and prepare them for
the day when they would come under the hierarchical and authori-
tarian control of Moscow,

The leaders of the Communist Party had an eye toward the millions
of people in the churches, and this policy was designed specifically to
reach the millions in the churches. Already as early as 1931 the Com-
munist Party published a survey of the churches in the United States
which was published by certain international pamphlets. In the
pamphlet. The Church and the Workers, by Bennett Stevens, may be
found a survey of the church, its membership, and its holdings. I
would like to read into the record what the author has to say about
the church.

Mr. Ktjnzig. "Wliat year was this ?

Mr. JoHNSOX. This was publislied in 1931. The purpose of doing
this is to show that already as early as 1931 the Communists had an
eye toward the millions in religious organizations in America, and this
survey was not prepared without instructions from the Communist
Party, because when pamphlets of this kind, according to my knowl-
edge and experience, are written and published, they are published
under instructions of the top leadership of the Communist Party, both
in America and abroad, because such pamphlets are sent to the Soviet
Union where they are evaluated, and on the strength of them the
policy for the Communist Party of America is formulated, and not
only for America, but throughout the world.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2167

This shows how many people in America are connected with the
church, and this is not lost to the men who sit in the Kremlin and are
forinulating policy for the American party.

I quote :

The churches are effective propagnnda agencies, for they reached a inenibership
of no million Dersous 1n 1J180. That capitalists are conscious of this fact is
shown by the liberality of their donation to tlie churches. As one of his many
contributions to the Episcopal Church, J. 1'. Morgan paid the expenses involved
in publishing the revised Book of Common Prayer. John D. Ilockefeller, Jr.,
in addition to building a $7-million church in New York, gives millions to Baptist
colleges and other religious enterprises. In 1929 gifts to Protestant churches
of the United States amounted to ,i:Ji20 million. The churches are not spiritual
institutions, but are in themselves powerful, wealthy, capitalist corporations, and
as such have special church-property investments, and churches spent $817
million in immediate expenses in 1926. Only a very slight portion of this went
to benevoloncies. The following table indicates the value of church property and
expenses in some of the larger sects of the United States,

and then they go on to give an estimate of the value of church property
in the United States.

Then the author goes on to say that religion cannot be reformed,
whatever its doctrine and ritual, that it remains an agency by which
the capitalist class enforces its control. The program of those who
want to reform existing religion must therefore be rejected. The
significance of this is that the party had already in 1931 seen the need
of getting into the churches where 50 million Americans are, and this
survey and surveys made after this one was made, constituted a very
important factor in determining the Communist policy in infiltrating
the churches and religious organizations.

Mr. ScHERER. Off the record.

(Discussion off the record.)

Mr. KuNziG. Do you have any further documentary evidence, Mr.
Johnson ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; I have. I have here a statement by William Z.
Foster in the Communist, the theoretical magazine of the Communist
Farty, that I would like to submit in evidence.

Mr. KuNziG. I have here, then, Mr. Chairman, pages 702 and 703,
Secondary Aspects of Mass Organization by Foster in the Communist
of August 1939, and I request that the marked paragraph be incorpo-
rated into the record at this point as Mafming Johnson Exhibit
No. 10.

Mr. ScHERER. It may be so received.

(The marked paragraph on pages 702 and 703 of Secondary Aspects
of Mass Organization was received in evidence as Manning Johnson

Exhibit No. 10.)

Johnson Exhibit No. 10

(The Communist, August 1939, pp. 702 and 703)

Secondary Aspects of Mass Organization

(By W. Z. Foster)

ij! 5F ^ ^F * * "fr

B. RELIGION

Religion is another extremely important secondary aspect of American mass
organization. Inevitably a social current so well organized and so deeply in-
grained in the mind of the masses as religion has exerted a far-reaching effect

2168 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

upon the people's mass organization of all types throughout their entire history.
Political parties, trade unions, farmers' associations, fraternal orders, and the
many other kinds of broad mass movements in which the toilers participate in
huge numbers have been fundamentally influenced in various ways by this
powerful force. The employers have tirelessly exploited religion to control the
people's organizations and they have often been unwittingly aided by leftwing
mistakes in dealing with it.

The numerous churches (and American bourgeois-democracy has served to
multiply greatly the number of Protestant sects) have sedulously cultivated
their causes within the mass organization, and the resultant conflicts, especially
those between Protestants and Catholics, have at times been acute. Conse-
quently, the employers have been alert to provoke such sectarian clashes. In
the main, however, the spirit of democratic tolerance has prevailed and mass
solidarity been preserved. In the great fraternal organizations (which, with
duplications, are estimated to number 50,000,000 members, including many mil-
lions of workers and farmers) there is a wide split between Catholics and
Protestants; but this is not the case in mass organizations generally. Thus,
there are in the United States no Catholic trade unions and, in our time, no
special political parties based upon religious lines.

The triumph of mass solidarity over religious sectarianism is a tribute to
American democracy. Communists must ever be keen to cultivate the demo-
cratic spirit of mutual tolerance among the religious sects in the people's mass
organizations. A still greater lesson for us to learn, however, is how to work
freely with religious strata for the accomplishment of democratic mass objec-
tives, while at the same time carrying on our basic Marxist-Leninist educational
work. A very serious mistake of the American leftwing during many years,
and one it would not have made had it understood Marx and Lenin, has been
its attempt arbitrarily to wave aside religious sentiments among the masses.
Reactionary forces have always knowm how to take advantage of this short-
sighted sectarian error by instigating the religious masses against the leftwing.
In recent years, however, the Communist Party, with its policy of "the out-
stretched hand," has done much to overcome the harmful leftwing narrowness
of former years and to develop a more healthy cooperation with the religious
masses of the people in building the democratic front.

Mr. Johnson. The success of the united-front policy enabled the
Communist Party to come in contact with thousands of ministers and
millions of people who make up their congregations all over the coun-
try. The fact that they were successful in the so-called outstretched-
haiid policy was clearly stated by Earl Browder in his book, What Is
Communism ? which has been mentioned before in my testimony.

On page 147 in that book he states, and I quote :

It is significant that the Communist Party, more than any other labor group,
has been able to achieve successful united fronts with church groups on the most
important issues of the day. This is not due to any compromise with religion as
such on our part. In fact by going among the religious masses we are, for the
first time, able to bring our antireligious ideas to them.

Mr. KuNziG. In other words, you would say, would you not, Mr.
Johnson, that on the basis of your personal experience and knowledge
the united front is the medium through which people were educated to
communism ?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. The united front is a school for
communism. It is the instrument to bring the Communist Party pro-
gram and policy to millions of people throughout the length and
breadth of the country.

Mr. KuNziG. Would it be correct to say that there actually was
party recruiting through the united front ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, there was. The whole purpose of the united
front was to bring the Communist Party into contact with millions
of people from whom they had before been isolated in order to indoc-
trinate them, to educate them and train them in Communist policy
and orient them along the path of revolutionary struggle.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2169

Now, in the course of all these activities, recruiting the most mili-
tant, the most active, the most promising element into the Communist
Party, sending them to schools and training them for leadership in the
united-front movement.

I wish to introduce into the record an excerpt from the report to
the Tenth National Convention of the Communist Party, U. S. A., on
behalf of the central committee, by Earl Browder, general secretary.

Mr. KuNziG. What date was that?

Mr. Johnson. May 1938.

In reference to the Communist training of persons involved in
united-front activities, I quote :

We propose to make the education of our leading people, the Marxist-Leninist
training, the central task of the whole party. It shall not be conflned to the
members of the central committee and State leaders, but extended to a broad
new circle of leaders for the States and sections and for party leaders in the
mass organizations, trade unions, youth, Negro, farm, cultural, women's, religious,
national groups, and other organizations.

I would like to state that the main purpose of this educational process
of religious leaders is for the overthrow of the Government of the
United States. The party, according to my knowledge and experience,
realized that without subverting the millions of persons in the church,
revolution in the United States is unthinkable ; it is impossible. For
that reason a corps of trained persons was necessary who would be
in a position to work successfully toward this end arnong the church-
goers. This was very clearly brought out in Fight magazine, for
instance.

Now, Fight magazine was the official organ of the American League
Against War and Fascism. In the April 1934 issue, on page 34, it
reads as follows :

This means that those who would use what resources are available in the
churches to fight the development of fascism must be prepared to show the
people in the churches that there is no way out under the profit system and that
the only way they can get the better life that is within their reach is to take
ownership and control out of the hands of the few, put it into the hands of the
many, and develop a planned economy for the purpose of realizing the classless
society. Then the emotions and ideals that will otherwise be misled by the
Fascists will be directed to the defeat of the real enemy of the people — the
capitalist slystem — and will be given a constructive outlet in the building
of a new order.

To work at this task the American League Against War and Fascism needs
to get members in all religious organizations.

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, who was the chairman of this American
League Against War and Fascism ?

Mr. Johnson. The Eeverend Harry F. Ward.

Mr. KuNziG. Do you know him personally ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I did.

Mr. KuNziG. When you were a member of the Communist Party
did you know him as a member of the Communist Party ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; he was a member of the Communist Party while
I was a member.

Mr. KuNziG. Did you meet with him as such ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I did.

Mr. KuNziG. Would you characterize him as a prominent member
of the Communist Party?

Mr. Johnson. I would say that he is the Red dean of the Commu-
nist Party in the religious field.

2170 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Mr. KuNziG. Off the record.

(Discussion off the record.)

Mr. Johnson. The training of leaders for work in the united front
is of major importance to the success of the Communist Party's pro-
gram. For that reason we had considerable discussions in the cen-
tral committee and in the sections and districts and State committees
of the Communist Party on methods of work among religious elements.

Mr. KuNziG. Did you participate in these discussions personally ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I did.

Mr. KuNziG. So that what you are testifying to is a matter of your
own personal experience and knowledge ?

Mr. Johnson. That is right, because I participated in these discus-
sions on national and on lower levels in the Communist Party, and
I would like to present to this committee the substance of some of these
discussions that were aimed at educating the party members on how
to work among the religious element.

I would first like to read to you what William Z. Foster has to say on
this matter.

Communists must ever be keen to cultivate the democratic spirit of mutual
tolerance among the religious sects in the people's mass organizations. A still
greater lesson for us to learn, however, is how to work freely with religious
strata for the accomplishment of democratic mass objectives, while at the same
time carrying on our basic Marxist-Leninist educational work.

A very serious mistake of the American leftwing during many years, and one
it would not have made had it understood Marx and Lenin, has been its attempt
arbitrarily to wave aside religious sentiments among the masses. Reactionary
forces have always known how to take advantage of this shortsighted sectarian
error by instigating the religious masses against the leftwing. In recent years,
however, the Communist Party with its policy of "the outstretched hand," has
done much to overcome the harmful leftwing narrowness of former years and
to develop a more healthy cooperation with the religious masses of the people
in building democratic front.

Continuing along this line, the Communist leaders instructed us
in the use of deceit in dealing with religious elements.

Mr. KuNziG. Was deceit a major policy of Communist propaganda
and activity?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, it was. They made fine gestures and honeyed
words to the church people which could be well likened unto the song
of the fabled sea nymphs luring millions to moral decay, spiritual
death, and spiritual slavery.

An illustration of this treachery, I might point out, is smiling,
sneaky Earl Browder, for example, who was vice chairman of the
American League Against War and Fascism, greeting and praising
ministers and other church workers participating with him in the
united front, antiwar activities, while secretly harboring in his heart
only contempt for them and for the religion that they represented.

Now, in order to train others in the use of such deceit, he wrote, and
I quote from What is Communism ? 1936 :

It is true that we have learned to be much more careful about the quality of
our mass work in this field. We take pains not to offend any religious belief.
We don't want to close the minds of religious people to what we have to tell
them about capitalism, because of some remark or action offensive to their reli-
gion. We can well say that the cessation of ineffective, rude, and vulgar at-
tacks upon religion is a positive improvement in our work.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2171

Speaking along the same line Earl Browder had this to say in 1936 :

But these critics do not understand that we Communists do not distinguish
between good and bad religions, because we think they are all bad for the mass
enthusiasm or lack of enthusiasm in religious worship.

We judge religious organizations and their leaders by their attitude to the
fundamental social issues of the day. What church organization has so com-
pletely demonstrated its opposition to fascism and war as that of Father Di-
vine? Other churches could very well follow his example. We would be de-
lighted if thousands of other churches would support the workers' social in-
surance bill, the fight to free the Scottsboro boys, and would fight against Mus-
solini's invasion of Ethiopia, as the followers of Father Divine have done.

The major organizational form of the nnited front in which the
churches were involved was the American League Against War and
Fascism which has been headed by the Reverend Harry F. Ward.
That organization was the key Communist Party front. There was
no other Communist Party front in all of the solar system of organi-
zations of the Communist Party that involved so many ministers,
churches, and religious organizations. In fact, this organization was
the key to the infiltration of the church, and as a result of the suc-
cessful infiltration and penetration they were able to involve these
ministers in every other Communist front through the years, even
down to the present time.

Mr. KuNZiG. Undoubtedly the great, great number of ministers who
were involved one way or another in this or other Communist-front
groups were loyal citizens and fine, good, religious men who were
completely duped ; is that not true, Mr. Johnson ?

Mr. JoHNSox. There were quite a few of them who were duped,
but the Communist clergymen and fellow travelers and those under
Communist Party discipline were not duped. They were fully con-
scious and fully aware of what they were doing. They were the small
minority that utilized their position to infiltrate and seek to subvert
the majority of the clergy in the interests of the aims and objectives
of the Communist Party of the United States.

Mr, KuNziG. It was an example of a small minority attempting to
influence, control, and use the majority of good, decent clergymen?

Mr. Johnson. Yes; that is true, because I know from my own expe-
rience in working in labor organizations, for example, that we had
an organization with 10,000 members, and there were only about 60
or 70 Communists, and we controlled the organization. So with a
small minority of ministers who work in an organized manner, they
can always win over and subvert and dupe the majority who are
disorganized and are individualistic.

Mr. ScHERER. Let us adjourn until 1 : 30.

("Wliereupon, at 1 p. m., the hearing recessed to 1 : 30 p. m. of the
same day.)

AFTERNOON SESSION

(At the hour of 2 : 05 p. m. of the same day the proceedings were
resumed. Representative Gordon H. Scherer being present.)

Mr. Scherer. Proceed.

Mr. KuNzTG. A few moments ago, Mr. Johnson, you mentioned the
American League Against War and Fascism. I would like to direct
your attention for a bit to this very vital and important organization
so that the true picture of the true work of this organization may
become clear on this record.

2172 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Would you explain to the committee how this group was organized,
who headed it, and in general its purposes and functions ?

Mr. Johnson. Well, I sat in on meetings of the national committee
of the Communist Party in New York City. These were meetings
of the national committee at which were discussed the formation of
the American League Against War and Fascism. The substance of
these discussions was that the Communist International had formed
an organization known as the World Congress Against War. The
head of that organization was Henri Barbusse, H-e-n-r-i B-a-r-
b-u-s-s-e, a leader of the Communist Party of France and a confidante
of Joseph Stalin.

The American party was instructed by the Communist International
to form the American League Against War and Fascism. This organ-
ization was officially set up at the first United States Congress Against
War, held in New York City in 1933. At that congress was Henri
Barbusse, whom I have formerly mentioned, who directed and assisted
in the setting up of this congress and this organization.

Mr. KuNziG. Did you know Henri Barbusse to be a Communist ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I did; and incidentally, I was introduced to
him at that time in a top fraction meeting that was held prior to the
opening of the congress. The policy of this particular front —
that is, the American League Against War and Fascism — was to
involve the religious organizations into Communist Party activities
generally to exploit the tremendous antiwar and anti-Fascist senti-
ment that exists among the religious masses. That is the reason
why, according to the discussions that took place in the national
committee, that Harry F. Ward was selected to head the American
League Against War and Fascism. The party conclusion was that
because he was a minister, he would be able to draw in churches,
and secondly, that he would be able to draw in labor because of his
imposing record as a clergyman of some standing and note.

In other words, they considered him the ideal head for the organ-
ization. It was proven a good decision because the American
League Against War and Fascism was able, through exploiting the
antiwar and anti-Fascist sentiments among the clergymen and
among church people generally to involve millions of people in
supporting the program of the American League Against War and
Fascism. I might say here that the majority of the American people
generally are peace-loving people and are democratic people, and they
are opposed to war and fascism, and that such a campaign as this has
a tremendous appeal, a tremendous attraction, but when such a cam-
paign like the one against war and fascism is used as a cover to attack
our Government, our social system, our leaders, when it is used as a
cover to attack our law-enforcement agencies and to build up mass hate
against them, when it is used as a cover for the transmission of intelli-
gence information to Soviet Russia, when it is used as a cover for
Soviet espionage, when it is used as a cover for infiltration and subver-
sion of our churches, seminaries, youth organizations, when it is used
as a cover to undermine national security, when it is used as a cover to
sabotage industry and transportation, when it is used to prepare and to
influence and win over millions in support of the foreign policy of an
alien government, namely, Soviet Russia, against our own country,
when it is used as a cover to defend Communists, the sworn enemies
of our great heritage, when it is used as a cover for preparing millions

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2173

of people ideologically and organizationally for the overthrow of the
United States Government, then that is a different matter altogether.

That is the program as it was worked out in the central committee,
and that was the program that was advocated by the American League
Against War and Fascism when I was not only a member of it, but a
member of the national committee.

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, can you give us any evidence of how it
was used to aid sabotage and in giving information to the enemy ?

Mr, Johnson. Before I do that I would like to offer to the commit-
tee a photostat showing that I was a member of the national committee
of the American League Against War and Fascism.

Mr. KuNziG. I have a photostatic copy here of Fight magazine,
December 1935, page 2, which purports to show and does show Manning
Johnson listed as a member of the national executive committee of the
American League Against War and Fascism.

This document is marked "Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 11," and
I now offer it into evidence, Mr. Chairman.

Mr. ScHERER. It may be so received.

(The photostatic copy of Fight magazine, December 1935, p. 2, was
received in evidence as Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 11.)

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 11

(Fight, December 1935, p. 2)

NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, AMEKICAN LEAGUE AGAINST WAB AND FASCISM

Dr. Harry F. Ward, chairman
Robert Morss Lovett, vice chairman Earl Browder, vice chairman
Lincoln StefEens, vice chairman William P. Mangold, treasurer

Thomas R. Amlie

Israel Amter

Roger Baldwin

Mrs. Clinton Barr

Max Bedacht

Fred Biedenkapp

Charles Blome

Ella Reeve Bloor

.John Bosch

LeRoy E. Bowman

Harry Bridges

William Brown

Mabel Byrd

AVinifred Chappell

George A. Coe

Prof. George S. Counts

Malcolm Cowley

H. W. L. Dana

Dorothy Detzer

Margaret Forsyth

Maurice Gates

Ben Gold

Paul L. Goldman

Rabbi Benjamin Goldstein

Dr. Israel Goldstein

Mrs. Annie E. Gray

Gilbert Green

Clarence Hathaway

A. A. Heller

Donald Henderson

Harold Hickerson

Roy Hudson

Langston Hughes

Rabbi Edward L. Israel

Clarence Irwin

Lela R. Jackson

Manning Johnson

A. H. Johnston

Rev. Herbert King

Ernest Kornfeld

Corliss Lamont

James Lerner

E. C. Lindemann

Lola Maverick Lloyd

Waldo McNutt

Rev. J. A. Martin

Rev. R. Lester Mondale

Peter Onisick

Samuel C. Patterson

D. R. Poindexter

Rev. A. Clayton Powell, Jr.

Henry Shepard

Tredwell Smith

Rev. William B. Spofford

Maxwell S. Stewart

Louise Thompson

Alfred Wagenknecht

Colston E. Warne

Louis Weinstock

James Wechsler

John Werlick

Richard Babb Whitten

Ella Winter

Alex V. Wright

Charles Zimmerman

2174 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Mr, KuNziG. May I also point out for the record that Dr. Harry F.
Ward is listed as chairman ; Lincoln Steffens, vice chairman ; Robert
Morss Lovett, vice chairman; Earl Browder, vice chairman, and
William P. Mangold, treasurer.

Mr. ScHERER. Off the record.

(Discussion off the record.)

Mr. KuNziG. May I, Mr. Chairman, at this point hand to the wit-
ness exhibit 11, Johnson exhibit 11, which has this long list of mem-
bers of the executive committee of the American League against War
and Fascism, and ask him how many of these names he recognizes as
people whom he knew to be members of the Communist Party. Will
you please name them, sir?

Mr. Johnson. Dr. Harry F. Ward, Earl Browder, Israel Amter,
Max Bedecht, Fred Biedenkapp, Ella Reeve Bloor, Hari^ Bridges,
Winifred Chappell, H. W. L. Dana, Margaret Forsyth, Gilbert Green^
Clarence Hathaway, A. A. Heller, Donald Henderson, Roy Hudson,
Langston Hughes, Manning Johnson — of course, that is myself —
James Lerner, Samuel C. Patterson, Henry Sheppard, Louise Thomp-
son, Alfred Wagenknecht, Louis Weinstock, James Wechsler, Ella
Winter.

Mr. KuNziG. AVliat period of time did this cover?

Mr. Johnson. This was in December 1935.

Mr. KuNziG. You knew all those people whose names you just gave
to be members of the Communist Party ?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct.

Mr. KuNziG. I should like again to direct your attention to the
question I asked you a few moments ago as to whether you had any
proof of the fact that the American League Against War and Fascism
conducted sabotage and also gave important material to a foreign
government, namely, the U. S. S. R. ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes. I would like to read from Fight magazine,
February 1935, page 14, which I would like to offer for the record
later.

The league's program : No. 1. To work toward the stopping of the manufac-
ture and transport of munitions and all other material essential to the conduct
of war through mass demonstrations, picketing, and strikes ; to likewise with-
draw the professionals from the service of the war machine and to enlist them
in agitation and educational propaganda against war and every aspect of fascism.

In the Communist Party, may I explain, we had discussions of point
No. 1, and it means that the workers in a given shop that is manufac-
turing war materials should be instructed to sabotage the manufac-
turer through strikes and other means in order to prevent the manu-
facture of munitions, and in cases where munitions have been manu-
factured and they are in transit — that is, they are being transported —
to do everything within our power to prevent the transportation of
military supplies. That would mean that if the Government of the
United States were supplying arms to our allies, that is, the sinews of
war, or for their own security, as our first line of defense, the Commu-
nist's duty was to sabotage such things; secondly, that in the event
the United States was engaged in a war, that the workers in industry,
both in the productive end and the transportation end, should sabotage
the manufacture and the transportation of munitions, which, of course,
you realize, would mean the complete and total defeat of the Govern-
ment of the United States, or in the case of its allies, their defeat.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2175

No. 2. To expose everywhere the extensive preparations for war being carried
on under the guise of aiding national recovery.

This particular section is a cover for Soviet espionage because
tliey are requesting here that every worker employed in a munitions
plant supply the league with information with regard to what kind
of w^ar materials were being produced there.

Now, I want to introduce here in substantiation of this a very im-
portant bit of information taken from Fight magazine to substantiate
this particular point.

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Chairman, I have a document marked "Manning
Johnson Exhibit No. 12," which is a photostatic copy of a page of
Fight magazine entitled, "Hit Munition Makers," with appropriate
maps attached thereto, and I should like to offer this evidence as
Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 12.

Mr. ScHERER. It will be received.

(The photostatic copy of page from Fight magazine entitled "Hit
Munitions Makers" w^as received in evidence as Manning Johnson Ex-
hibit No. 12.)

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 12

(Fight, February 1934, p. 11)

Hit Munition Makers

All the imperialist powers are feverishly preparing for war. In the United
States thousands of factories that could turn out the necessaries of life remain
closed — 15 million workers are jobless, 60 million are getting less than enough
to live on — but approximately 17,000 factories are making war material. The
imperialist governments are preparing a new blood bath for the workers and
farmers.

Look at this map. To the right you can read the type of armaments manufac-
tured in the various States. (The map is incomplete because the Government
refuses to give out facts and figures on war preparations.) Now we shall list the
names of some of the armament makers and the cities they are in :

Colt's Patent Firearm Co., Hartford, Conn, (machineguns, pistols, rifles, etc.) ;

Remington Arms Co., Bridgeport, Conn, (firearms and ammunition) ;

Winchester Repeating Anns Co., New Haven, Conn, (cartridges, firearms,
etc.) ;

Savage Arms Corp., Chicopee Falls, Mass., Norwich, Conn., Utica, N. Y. ;

Auto Ordnance Corp., New York City (portable automatic guns) ;

Smith & Wesson, Springfield, Mass. ((revolvers and pistols) ;

Johnson's Arms & Cycle Works, Fitchburg, Mass. (small arms, cartridges, etc.) ;

R. F. Sedgley, Inc., Philadelphia, Pa. (rifles and pistols) ;

Pacific Arms Coi-p., San Francisco, Calif, (small arms and cartridges) ;

Woodstock Manufacturing Co., Charleston, S. C. (light ordnance) ;

Western Cartridge Co., East Alton, 111. (shells, cartridges, etc.) ;

Federal Cartridge Corp., Minneapolis, Minn, (shells, cartridges) ;

King Powder Co., Cincinnati, Ohio (shells and cartridges) ;

Atlas Powder Co., Wilmington, Del. (explosives) ;

National Acme Co., Cleveland, Ohio (shells) ;

Peters Cartridges Co., King Mills, Ohio (shells and cartridges) ;

Hoffman & Bryan, Findlay, Ohio (torpedoes) ;

E. I. du Pont de Nemours, Wilmington, Del. (explosives and gunpowder) ;

Hercules Powder Co., Wilmington, Del. (explosives and gunpowder) ;

Aerial Powder Co., Wilmington, Del. (machinegun parts) ;

Chase Brass & Copper Foundry, Bridgeport, Conn, (material for cartridges) ;

Arma Engineering, Brooklyn, N. Y. (range finders) ;

Harrington & Richardson Arms Co., Worcester, Mass (arms, etc.) ;

Kopper's Products Co., New Haven, Conn, (gas producing ovens) ;

Bethleliem Shipbuilding Corp., Quincy, Mass. (war vessels and merchant
«hips) ;

2176 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Newport News Shipbuilding & Dry Dock Co., Newport News, Va. (warships) ;

New York Shipbuilding Co., Camden, N. J. (war vessels) ;

Bath Iron Works Corp., Bath, Maine (destroyers) ;

Electric Boat Co., Gi-oton, Conn, (submarines) ;

Federal Shipbuilding & Dry dock Co., Kearney, N. J. (destroyers) ;

United Drydock, Inc., Hoboken, N. J., Brooklyn, N. Y., Mariner's Island, S. I.
N. Y. (destroyers) ;

Curtis-Wright Corp., Baltimore, Md., Wichita, Kans., St. Louis, Mo., Patterson,
N. J., Bristol, Pa. (airplanes, bombing planes, transport planes, engines, and
other equipment for military purposes) ;

Boeing Airplane Co., Seattle, Wash, (pursuit planes) ;

Pratt & Whitney, Hartford, Conn, (bombing planes).

We call upon the workers in these plants to get in touch with the American
League Against War and Fascism, 112 East 19th Street, New York City, or with
the branch of the league located in your city.

We call upon all workers everywhere you have information on the manufacture
of war material to mail us in immediately the location of the plant, the type of
war material made, and the number of workers employed.

Mr. KuNziG. Do you have any specific comment you wish to make,
Mr. Johnson, with regard to exhibit 12 ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes; I have. Now, exhibit 12 shows a maj) of the
United States, and on this map you will find the exact location and
name of many firms making munitions in the United States. What is
significant about this is summed up in the last two short paragraphs of
instruction.

I quote :

We call upon the workers in these plants to get in touch with the American
League Against War and Fascism, 112 East 19th Street, New York City, or
with the branch of the league located in your city. We call upon all workers
everywhere who have information on the manufacture of war material to mail
us in immediately the location of the plant, the type of war material made, and
the number of workers employed there.

I want to say in connection with this that when I was in the national
training school of the Communist Party, one of my instructors was
J. Peters, who was head of the Communist Party underground and
the Communist Party espionage apparatus, and he informed us that
all publications of all Communist-front organizations are sent to the
Soviet Union for study and evaluation ; two, that contacts made by
the Communist Party, whether directly or through front organiza-
tions, are to be used to supply information of value to the Communist
Party. This information given by these individual workers from
these plants is sent in turn to the Soviet Union. The individual locally
is contacted. He is eventually recruited into the Communist Party
or in the Soviet espionage apparatus.

Now, he may be used to supply information because he believes
idealistically that he is fighting against war and fascism, but in reality
he is giving vital information To the Soviet Government for their
intelligence estimate of our defense setup in America and for use in
future wars against this country.

Mr. KuNziG. Did you know J. Peters under any other name ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; I knew him under the name of Blake and also
under the name of Stevens, Alexander Stevens.

Mr. KuNziG. These are vitally important statements that you are
making before this committee today concerning the American League
Against War and Fascism. I presume you are testifying that its
leaders and particularly its chairman, Rev. Harry F. Ward, a member
of the clergy, knew personally every one of these facts to which you

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2177

are testifying and were fully cognizant of the aims and purposes of
this organization?

Mr. JOHNSON. Yes; I do. This program was adopted at the con-
gress against war and the program was widely printed in the official
organ of the American League Against War and Fascism known as
Fight. The members and the leaders of the league had as their major
task the spreading of this information through tlie sale and distribu-
tion of Fight magazine.

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, how do jou account for the large num-
bers of clergymen and religious organizations involved in this Ameri-
can League Against War and Fascism ?

Mr. Johnson. The majority of the ministers in the American League
Against War and Fascism were involved by Harry F. Ward, and the
organization which he was connected with, known as the Methodist
Federation for Social Action; also the People's Institute of Applied
Religion, and other Communist-front organizations operating in the
religious world. The Methodist Federation for Social Service later
became the Methodist Federation for Social Action.

This program was widely circulated throughout church organiza-
tions.

Mr. KuNziG. How?

Mr. Johnson. Through the regular channels of the leagues that
were formed all over the country in which the ministers played a
leading, if not the leading, part.

Mr. Kunzig. What leagues?

Mr. Johnson. The branches of the American League Against War
and Fascism, and I would like to offer to the committee, to show this
point, some of the information that I culled from the copies of Fight
magazine through the years from the formation of the league up
until it was abolished, showing the leading role that ministers played
in the sale of this magazine Fight and in the promotion of this par-
ticular program.

Mr. ScHERER. Do I understand that there were branches of thi&
league in most of the communities of the country ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; in most of the large communities and cities all
over the country they had branches of the league, and you will note
on the basis of the information that I am submitting to the com-
mittee that the leaders in practically every instance were members of
the clergy.

Mr. ScHERER. Off the record.

(Discussion off the record.)

Mr. KuNziG. I have been handed a group of documents and quota-
tions from various and sundry ministers throughout the United States
of America which appear to be between the years of 1933 and 1939
as quoted in Fight, the magazine put out by the American League
Against War and Fascism.

Mr. Chairman, I feel this material should be incorporated into the
record at this point, and I would like to ask Mr. Johnson — and I want
to make this 100 percent clear, sir — is the purpose of putting this
material into the record at this point to show the extent of the ac-
tivities of these various persons in the work of the American League
Against War and Fascism ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; that is my purpose only.

2178 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK ABEA

Mr. KtJNziG. Is that the only purpose at the present time?

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; that is the sole purpose.

Mr. KuNziG. Then, Mr. Chairman, with that clear in mind, I would
like to recommend to you, sir, that this material be incorporated at
this point into the record to show the activities and the extent of ac-
tivities of the various individuals herein named in the American
League Against War and Fascism.

Mr. ScHERER. Those documents will be made a part of the record
for the sole purpose of indicating the activity of members of the
clergy and others in the American League Against War and Fascism,
which I understand has been cited as subversive and Communist-
front organization by Attorney General Tom Clark in 1947 and 1948 ;
by Attorney General Francis IBiddle as early as 1942, and by the Spe-
cial Committee on Un-American Activities in 1939 and again in 1940.

(The material referred to is as follows :)

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, September 1935, p. 14 :)

A huge rally in Harlem included a mammoth parade made up of Negroes,
Italians, Philadelphia delegates, church groups, trade unions, and many other
organizations. Rev. William Lloyd Imes was chairman and among the many
speakers were A. Johnson of the Provisional Committee for the Defense of
Ethiopia; Tito Nuncio, editor of L'Unita Operatia ; Elenor Brannan, of the
Women's International League for Peace and Freedom; S. A. Cowan, of the
Pioneers of Ethiopia ; Robert Minor, of the Communist Party ; and Rabbi INIichael
Alper, of the National Religious Committee of the American League, Boston,
sponsored an August 4 meeting at the Old South Meeting House with Rev. Donald
Lester as chairman.

Englewood, N. J., held a meeting the same date at McKay Park with Protestant
and Jewish speakers. Milwaukee held a broad united-front meeting in a large
Negro church with Italian, trade union, and Negro speakers.

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Eeid, September 1935, p. 14 :)
Upper Michigan : As a result of a tour by Rev. Ralph Compere, State chairman
of the Wisconsin league, new branches have been set up at Iron Mountain, Iron
River, Iron wood, in Michigan, and at Phelps, in AVisconsin. The Michigan towns
plan to organize themselves into a district and to spread the league further into
this area.

(Building the League, Fight, by Ida Dailes, March 1935, p. 15 :)

Mrs. Chris Frederickson, who in her Minnesota farm community has been con-
ducting patient, persistent work since the second congress, now begins to see
results from her work. She writes : "Things look brighter here. Both the youth
and the farmers are beginning to realize what it is all about. The local Young
People's Society is sponsoring an evening for this work, and together with the
Farmers Holiday are arranging a lecture by Rev. R. Compere, chairman of the
Milwaukee chapter of the league * * * One bright instance occurred yesterday
when the farmers had a big annual co-op oil meeting and a young man moved
that a resolution be passed and sent to our Senators and Representatives that
that organization was in sympathy with the League Against War and Fascism.
It was immediately seconded by 6 or 7 voices, and the great majority voted for it."

(Building the League, Fight, by Ida Dailes, March 1935, p. 15 :)

Chicago is also working on neighborhood conferences. The first, held at Albany
Park area, had delegates from Epworth League, Methodist Church Hi-League, a
number of sororities and fraternities, high-school forum, Community Center
Girl Scouts, several other church youth groups, and from a council of 32 Boys'
Clubs. The plans made include : Investigation of the CCC camp at Stokie Valley ;
all local aldermanic candidates will be invited ; an open hearing on Fascist tend-
encies in the neighborhood, the sale of Fight at a local union and outside of a
(pertain shop. A large conference is now on the way on the South Side.

(Fight, 1938, p. 3:)

Harry F. Ward, national chairman of the American League, has for many years
been at the side of labor in its struggle for a better world. As chairman of the

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2179

American Civil Liberties Union, Dr. Ward has been the foremost lighter for free
speech, free press, and the right to organize in the country. He is the author of
many books— including Poverty and Wealth, the Labor Movement, the New
Social Order, In Place of Profit — and is a member of the Teachers Union.

(Building tlie league, Fight, by Ida Dailes, March 1935, p. 15 :)

Cleveland held a highly successful conference to broaden the base of its organ-
ization. The delegates represented 28 A. F. of L. locals, 17 social clubs, 9 frater-
nal organizations, 12 women's organizations, 6 independent unions, the Small
Home and Landowners' Federation, et cetera, et cetera, a total of G9 organiza-
tions. The secretary reports : "Our trade union committee has been enlarged,
and the prospect of really launching a campaign in the A. F. of L. locals is good.
We succeeded in involving many of the trade unions in the discussion." Officers
of the Cleveland league include Rabbi Barnett Brickner, member of the Regional
Labor Board, as honorary chairman ; Prof. Paul Rogers, of Oberlin, chairman,
and as vice chairmen : Stephen Lecso, painters. No. 867, A. F. of L., and Rev.
Horace White, Negro minister ; Ruth Bennett, secretary, and Dr. Zucker, treas-
urer. An intensive campaign against the proposed Federal gag legislation is to
be undertaken. The secretary also reports that they have set themselves the
task of increasing their Fight order 40 percent and expect to exceed this.

(Youth notes, Fight, by James Lerner, July 1936, p. 28 :)

About 15 organizations have already agreed to send delegates to the World
Youth Congress, Geneva, August 31 to September 7. Included are the YW'CA,
National Student Federation, American Jewish Congress (Youth Division),
American Student Union and, of course, the Youth Committee of the American
League Against War and Fascism. We have decided to send at least one delegate
but any city committee which can raise the money is free to choose a youth dele-
gate. This, in case you care to know, is a challenge to Chicago, Cleveland, Balti-
more, and other cities.

(The Fascist International, Fight, by Harry F. Ward, January 1937,
p. 9:)

This time the attack is against People's Front governments, because they regis-
ter a forward step in democracy. The effort is to crush the people before they
take the next step, and establish the people's power completely.

(The Fascist International, Fight, by Harry F. Ward, January
1937, p. 9:)

The Pope made it clear that he was trying to save the faithful from hieing
deceived into alliance with Communists. That means the People's Front govern-
ments in Spain and in France. The Church blesses a cause that uses Moham-
medan Moors to kill Spanish Catholics, but curses the Spanish Catholics who
support the People's government. The People's government is ordered destroyed
by Fascist attack because it may lead to people's power in every aspect of life.

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Eeid, January 1937, p. 28 :)

The midwestern regional conference of the league, to take place in Chicago,
January 8 to 10, will be addressed by Bishop Edgar Blake of the Methodist Epis-
copal Church, Van A. Bittner, head of the Steel Workers Organizing Committee
in the Great Lakes area and Dr. Harry F. Ward. Our regional organizer, Ralph
M. Compere, is in charge of arrangements.

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Eeid, April 1936, p. 27:)

Centerport, Long Island, held an organization meeting on February 18 in spite
of bitter cold weather. A number of new members were signed up and ofiicers
for the bi'anch were elected. The Reverend John Franzen is the chairman and
the Rev.erend Edgar Jackson the secretary.

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, April 1936, p. 27 :)

California — Bakersfield held a league meeting in the local Labor Temple
recently, with Bert Leech, California organizer, as the main .speaker. The peti-
tions against the gag bills have been circulated very effectively among the Epics
and trade unions. The local labor council has voted to send official observers to
the league meetings * * * San Joaquin Valley was toured by the Reverend Don-
ald M. Chase and Bert Leech in the interests of spreading the league.

2180 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE NEW YORK AREA

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, March 1937, p. 27:)

Chicago. — The regional conference held in this city, January 8 to 10, was
attended by 175 delegates who represented over 300,000 people of the Midwest.

Five roundtables at the conference took up the problems of labor, sections
of the Copeland bill. A national campaign of pressure on Congress for the
revision of this bill has now been organized. All over the country, league and
labor groups are addressing their Congressmen, requesting them to support
the resolution presented by Representative William I. Sirovich of New York
and calling for the elimination of "continuous discharge" ("fink") book and
the "certificates of efficiency."

(Fight, June 1937, p. 3:)

Bishop Francis J. McConnell, Methodist Resident Bishop of the New York
area, was chairman of the Commission of Inquiry of the Interchuroh World
Movement which investigated the great steel strike of 1919 when 365,600
workers walked out on strike. The report of the steel strike, of 1919, issued
by that commis-sion, was edited by the bishop and is a rare document of social
value. The story here was told at intervals to his daughter, Miss Dorothy
McConnell.

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, June 1937, p. 27:)

On May 3 the religious Committee of the Chicago League, under the leader-
ship of its chairman, the Reverend W. B. Waltmire, conducted a very important
conference on the theme of "Trends Toward Fascism in Religion.' Among
the speakers were Prof. William Fauck, Rabbi Felix Levy, Prof. Henry N.
Wieman, and Dr. Harry F. Ward.

(Building the League, Fight, June 1937, p. 28 :)

Rev. Norman D. Fletcher, president of the Montclair Ministers' As-sociation,
on the subject of Civil Liberties and Fascism. In celebration of its second anni-
versary, the branch plans a special meeting on May 25 with John Jacobson of
Brookwood Labor College and Paul Reid of the national office as speakers.

(Youth notes. Fight, December 1937, p. 28 :)

We acclaim the participation of the greatest youth delegation ever in the
People's Congress for Peace and Democracy. Not only from the point of view
of numbers, but from the wide variety of organizational composition, youth's
part stands out. Delegates from settlement house and campus, YMHA and
YWCA, religious and Negro youth organizations, and a whole host of others
prove the point. It becomes increasingly apparent that youth understands
the issues of the day. Young people have learned that fascism breeds war
and are determined to do something effective about it. And that something
effective comes out of the Congress — —

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, September 1936, p. 28 :)

August antiwar meetings : At the August antiwar meetings all over the nation
the Spanish situation was the major point of concern. The Emergency Peace
Campaign Committee of Pittsburgh joined with the American League there in
a meeting and demonstration at Schenley Park. Music by a WPA band, an inter-
racial chorus, mass singing, in addition to several stirring speeches, featured the
meeting. Charles L. Miller, vice president of the Central Labor Union; the
Reverend B. F. Crawford, chairman of the Emergency Peace Campaign; Miss
Blanche Bray, of the WIL. ; and Dr. R. H. Valinsky, chairman of the American
League, addressed the meeting. A cable was sent to President Azana, of Spain,
wishing success to the Spanish people's fight against the Fascists and a telegram
to Secretary Cordell Hull.

(Youth Notes, Fight, by James Lerner, September 1936, p. 28 :)

Between August 19 and 22 the first of the American delegates to the World
Youth Congress left for Geneva, Switzerland. In the group were William Hinck-
ley, chairman of the American Youth Congress; Miss Elizabeth Scott, of the
St. James Presbyterian Church, New York, representing the Youth Congress;
Mi.ss Helen Vrabel, of the International Workers Order; Harold Pederson, of
the Minnesota Farmer-Labor Juniors; Jack Kling, of the Young Communist

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE NEW YORK AREA 2181

League ; and James Lerner, representing, of course, the American League Against
War and Fascism.

This group will join up with representatives of the Young Women's Christian
Association and YMCA ; Joseph Cadden, secretary of the National Student Fed-
eration ; Joseph Lash, of the American Student Union ; two representatives of the
National Council of Methodist Youth ; and several others from church, student,
and League of Nations Association groups to form the American delegation.

(Ficrht, Junel936, p. 3:)

Bishop Francis J. McConnell, whose article opens this issue, is Methodist resi-
dent bishop of the New York area, president of the Methodist Federation for
Social Service, and coauthor of the Methodist Social Creed. Bishop of Mexico
during the .vears of the revolution, 1912-16, chairman of the Commission of
Inquiry of tiie Interchurch World Movement, editor of that commission's report
of the steel strike of 1919, head of the Federal Council of Churches of Christ
in America from 1928 to 1932, author of 17 books. Bishop McConnell has given
distinguished service to the progressive church movement.

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Keid, January 1937, p. 28 :)

Here and There — Dr. Harry F. Ward, national chairman of the league, meeting
on the Spanish situation at Madison, Wis., on November 21, a large audience of
university and town people gave a very warm response to his setting of the issue
of democracy against fascism. The midwestern regional conference of the
league, to take place in Chicago, January 8 to 10, will be addressed by Bishop
Edgar Blake of the Methodist Episcopal Church, Van A. Bittner, head of the
Steel Workers Organizing Committee in the Great Lakes area and Dr. Harry F.
Ward. Our regional organizer, Ralph M. Compere, is in charge of arrangements.
The Pittsburgh League had Clinton S. Golden, regional director of the Steel
Workers Organizing Committee, as speaker at a meeting on November 18. His
subject was, A Strong Labor Movement as a Bulwark Against Fascism.

(Paul Keid and Clara Bodian Join Our Forces, Fight, by Harry
F. Ward, national chairman, June 1935, p. 14:)

The national bureau of the American League Against War and Fascism an-
nounces the appointment of Paul Reid as executive secretary ; in addition, Clara
Bodian has taken over the duties of administration secretary.

Paul Keid, the new executive secretary, has taken an active interest in the
labor movement ever since he went out on strike at the age of 16, as a worker in a
wallpaper mill. He has worked in automobile factories, at building and road
construction, and for a railroad company. He is a Hoosier by birth, and at-
tended DePauw University in Indiana where he actively opposed the ROTC.
After serving for 2 years at the London School of Economics under Prof. R. H.
Tawney and Harold Laski. He then visited the Soviet Union before returning
to the United States. For the past 2 years he has worked with Harry F. Ward
and Reinhold Niebuhr at Union Seminary. He has aided in the struggles of the
unemployed for more relief and for social insvirance. As an active member of
the New York City committee of the American League Against War and Fascism
he has led demonstrations of protest before the offices of J. P. Morgan & Co.,
war profiteers.

Paul Reid came to the conclusion that his life work is in neither the school nor
the church, but in a mass organization, fighting militantly against the immediate
danger of war and fascism. He will devote himself to the tasks of the league —
arousing the American people to the imminence of these twin menaces, and
mobilizing the greatest possible number in a united-front struggle to defeat the
forces of reaction which would plunge us into slaughter under a Fascist
dictatorship.

Paul Reid will be ably assisted by Clara Bodian, a veteran in the labor move-
ment. For the past 3 years she has been secretary of the United Council of
Working Class Women.

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, November 1935, p. 15 :)

Baltimore : From all indications Baltimore will have one of the finest confer-
ences in the country. The list of endorsers already gives the picture of a very
broad movement. It includes several large trade unions, League of Women
Voters, Christian Endeavor, Episcopalian, Presbyterian, Evangelical, and Jewish
ministers. Urban League, professors and newspapermen, YMCA and Negro
leaders.

2182 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

(Building the League, Fight, by Ida Dailes, January 1934, p.. 15 :)

Los Angeles conference : A very successful conference was held in Los Angeles
on December 10. Rev. Alonzo W. Reynolds, of the Methodist Episcopal Church,
who was a delegate to the United States Congress Against War [and Fascism],
gave the opening report. A permanent executive committee was elected including
students, workers, representatives of Negro organizations, unemployed, churcli
groups, Socialists, Communists, and pacifists. The public sessions of the con-
ference were attended by about 1,200 people.

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, October 1935, p. 13 :)

Took part in busy and eventful Save Herndon Day on August 14 and held im-
pressive meeting on civil rights, September 17, with Dr. Harry F. Ward as the
main speaker.

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, October 1935, p. 13 :)

Cincinnati : League here organized a real united-front meeting against Nazi
persecutions on August 18, and this was followed by an effective protest cam-
paign against a Nazi display at a German-American Day demonstration. Speak-
ers at the meeting on the 18th were a trade-union leader, a rabbi, two Protestant
ministers, and the league secretaiy, Carl H. Levy. Telegrams of protest were
sent to the American Olympic Committee, the German Ambassador, and local
Congressmen. An Ethiopian protest meeting was held on September 5 with
Alex Phillian, midwestern organizer of the league, as chief speaker. The local
branch of the NAACP has afiiliated with the league.

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, October 1935, p. 13 :)

Baltimore : On August 24 the league took part in an Ethiopian defense meet-
ing at the city hall plaza, where Angelo Herndon was the chief speaker. The
league also organized an anti-Nazi protect meeting on August 22, attended
by over 2,000 people, and addressed by Rabbi Sidney Goldstein, of New York
City, the Rev. F. C. Rueggeberg, George Renahan, a Catholic layman, and
other speakers of Baltimore. Resolutions protesting the German persecutions,
and banning the Olympic games in Berlin were adopted.

(Oh Say, Can You See? Fight, December 1936, p. 31:)

And by the way, we haven't been able to improve on the definition of "fascism'*
that Harry F. Ward gave at the Cleveland Congress of the American League-
last January. Here it is. Keep it handy as a yardstick by which to judge the
situation: "Fascism in this country is the destruction of democracy by violence;
the substitution of the rule of force for the attempt of the people to govern
themselves ; and this, for the sake of preserving profits, property income, and
the profit system."

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, December 1936, p. 28 :)

The mass meeting was held under the auspices of the North American
Committee To Aid Spanish Democracy, the organization which is directing the
delegation's tour throughout Canada and the United States. Bishop Robert
L. P'addock and Harry F. Ward served as chairmen of the meeting, with
Roger Baldwin making the plea for funds. Joseph Cadden, member of the Ameri-
can Youth delegation that visited Spain, also spoke.

The luncheon followed a farewell dinner for Dorothy McConnell, secretary of
the Women's Section, who sailed for the Buenos Aires Peace Conference. Miss
McConnell is an accredited delegate of the People's Mandate to Governments, the
American League, and the Women's Section. She will attend both the Govern-
ment conference which begins December 1 and the people's conference which
precedes it.

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, December 1936, p. 28 :)

League members arrested in Ossinlng, N. Y., on August 25 for distributing^
handbills announcing a rally for the defense of Spanish democracy were brought
to trial October 10 and found guilty of violating a local ordinance regarding dis-
tribution of literature. Attorney Samuel P. Puner, retained by the American-
Civil Liberties Union for the league, maintained that the application of the
ordinance was an infringement of freedom of speech and appealed the case to
the next higher court. It was also contended that strict application of the ordi-

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2183

uance would have prevented the distribution of campaign literature of the Demo-
•cratic and Republican Parties. Albany held a large peace meeting on November
6, with William B. Spofford of the national biu-eau of the league as chief speaker.

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, August 1935, p. 15 :)

Urbana, 111. : The Champaign-Urbana branch of the league held a successful
conference against war and fascism on May 30. Delegates represented 900 mem-
bers of their respective organizations.

Rev. Ralph Compere, state chairman of Wisconsin, was chief speaker.

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, August 1935, p. 15 :)

Hackensack, N. J. : Bergen County committee was the first to follow the ex-
ample of the national office in holding a weekend school. Considered in two
sessions "the role of the league in the present crisis," and "principles and tactics
of the united front in the league. Speakers, Jay Wright, New Jersey organizer,
Clara Bodian, and Paul Reid.

(Red Clay, Fight, by Phil Bowen, January 1935, p. 9:)

The Canadian League Against War and Fascism held its second national con-
gress at Toronto on December 6, 7, and 8, with 500 delegates and official observers
present, representing close to 500,000 people. Many trade luiions, youth, and
women's organizations were represented. The presence of Cooperative Common-
wealth Federation Clubs (C. C. F.) was of particular interest, as that political
body corresponds roughly to the powerful British Labor Party and polled more
than 300,000 votes in the recent Federal election. The congress showed a great
improvement in the work during the recent year and a real broadening of its
base. The speakers included the Reverend T. C. Douglas, C. C. F. member of
Parliament ; Dr. Harry F. Ward ; Prof. Lome T. Morgan, University of Toronto ;
Maj. Fred Fish ; Prof. Felic Walter, Trinity College; Tim Buck, general secretary
of the Communist Party of Canada ; Rev. Ben Spence, chairman, regional council
of the C. C. F. ; Dr. Berta Hamilton, prominent Toronto pacifist ; Mrs. Anna Sis-
sons, chairman of the Fort William Independent Labor Party and prominent in
trade union circles ; Roger Baldwin and Eleanor Brannan, representing the World
Committee ; A. A. McLeod, former editor of the World Tomorrow, and others.

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, December 1936, p. 27:)

New York. — The mock trial of Hearst, staged by the New York City division
of the league at the Hippodrome on October 22 was tremendously effective and
drew widespread interest. The house was sold out and hundreds of people were
turned away. Under the able guidance of Arthur Garfield Hays, who acted as
prosecuting attorney, an impressive list of witnesses appeared and testified
against the Fascist character of Hearst.

Among them were Gov. Hjalmar Petersen of Minnesota, Oswald Garrison
Villard, Prof. Robert K. Speer of New York University, Charles J. Hendley of
the Teachers' Union, the Reverend William Lloyd Imes, and Representative
Vito Marcantonio.

The verdict was guilty on all counts, and the crowd promised to carry out the
slogan, "Don't read Hearst, don't see Hearst, don't hear Hearst."

(Building the League, Fight, by Ida Dailes, January 1935, p. 15 :)

A Superior, Wis., conference is being held to establish a permanent chapter in
that city, on January 7 at the Central Uijih School Auditorium. The chairman
of provisional committee is Rev. Nat Buckley of the First ^Methodist Church.
The use of local radio station has been secured for publicity for this conference.

The Wisconsin State conference had 217 delegates, 68 'of whom were from
A. F. of L. unions and 10 of those from central trades councils. Five official
Socialist Party delegates participated. Altogether, 29 Socialist Party members
were present and signed a resolution urging the S. P. national executive com-
mittee to affiliate with the American league. Altogether, over 78,000 persons
were represented.

(American Youth in Action, Fight, by Waldo McNutt, August
1935, p. 14:)

Twenty-five regional gatherings from Boston to San Diego have given the
Youth Congress a mass base rooted in the trade unions, churches, YMCA's,
YWCA's, and student organizations.

2184 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

(American Youth in Action, Fight, by Waldo McNutt, August
1935, p. 14:)

James Lerner, national secretary of the youth section, was elected to the
National Council of the Youth Congress, and will be our representative on the
executive council of the congress. This executive council includes the represent-
atives of the Young People's Socialist League, the Young Communist League, the
Farmer-Labor Political Federation, the Young Epics, the Central Labor Union of
Toledo, the Detroit Federation of Labor, the National Student League, the Inter-
national Longshoremen's Association of San Francisco, the Amalgamated Asso-
ciation of Iron, Tin, and Steel Workers, Ohio, the United Mine Workers of
America, Russelton, Pa., YMCA's and YWCA's of many cities. Southern Tenant
Farmers' Union, and many other trade unions, workers' fraternal organizations,
religious groups, and miscellaneous youth organizations. This partial list serves
to indicate the scope of the united front formed, and we are confident that we can
go forward carrying out the decisions and plans of the Congress, a united, mili-
tant, and progressive youth movement opposing the forces of reaction driving
toward war and fascism.

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, August 1935, p. 15:)

Activities in defense of Ethiopia : Chicago held a large conference on July 12.
New York City is developing mass sentiment for a huge protest meeting on Au-
gust 3 in Harlem. The national office has cabled the world committee urging
action at Geneva. A pamphlet on the Ethiopian issue is being written by Rev.
William Lloyd Imes, of St. James Church, Harlem, and will soon be ready for
distribution. Other cities are planning protest meetings and demonstrations.

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, March 1938, p. 28 :)

Septimus Craig is the chairman of the League's China Aid Council. The league
recently held a forum and social with the Reverend Charles Webber, field secre-
tary of the Methodist Federation for Social Service, as guest speaker.

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, March 1938, p. 27:)

Over 200 people attended this stirring meeting. Fall River, Mass., heard the
Reverend Donald G. Lothrop, of the Boston Community Church, at an open meet-
ing. His speech on the far-eastern war situation and the boycott as a method
of aiding the Chinese people was well received. The Reverend Chester Ham,
of the Brayton Methodist Church, was chairman of the meeting. A musical
program was presented by Granoff Sister. Ralph Eary, the delegate to the Pitts-
burgh congress, made his formal report on this occasion. Arthur Kaplan, the
league secretary, reports definite plans for a membership campaign in the com-
munity and prospects for rapid extension.

(Fight, November 1936, p. 3 :)

Jerome Davis, educator and sociologist, teaches at Yale University and is the
author of many books, including Capitalism and Its Culture, Contemporary
Social Movements, Labor Speaks for Itself on Religion, Business, and the Church,
etc. Professor Davis was elected recently to head the teachers' union.

(Fight, October 1936, p. 3:)

William B. Spofford, who gives a short analysis of the election campaign from
the point of view of an anti-Fascist, is editor of the Witness, an Episcopalian
weekly, and executive secretary of the Church League for Industrial Democracy.

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, November 1936, p. 27 :)

New England. — "The matter of peace is up to the people themselves," said the
Reverend Kenneth Kingston, of Farmingdale, N. J., at a recent meeting of the
Provincetown, Mass., league. The branch has been very active in this city during
the past few months.

(Youth notes, Fight, by James Lerner, November 1936, p. 28 :)

Milwaukee. — The local branch was visited by the national executive secretary
in September and plans were laid at that time for extended activity during the
coming months. On October 14 the Reverend Ralph M. Compere, regional
organizer for the league, will address an open membership meeting.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2185

The United Student Peace Committee, consisting of representatives of most
national student groups, is planning an intensive program which will start on
Armistice Day and lead up to the student strike. On November 14 there will be
radio panels, peace institutes, and a peace poll. This educational campaign, plus
the recent endorsement of the student peace strike by the YMCA and YWCA
student divisions, will most likely add tremendously to the size and value of the
strike next spring. National organizations working with students, including the
American league, have issued a joint appeal and program for activity. Among
these are the Emergency Peace Campaign, youth section. League of Nations
Association.

(Building the League, Fight, by Ida Dailes, May 1934, p. 15:)

Over 6.000 workers, students, and professional people came to the first city-
wide demonstration against war and fascism on April 6, organized by the recently
formed New York City central committee. The high point of the demonstration
came when Norman H. Tallentire, general secretary of the city committee,
appealed for new members for the league and 2,000 people rose to their feet.
Dr. Harry F. Ward, national chairman of the league, was the main speaker of
the evening.

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Keid, September 1935, p. 14 :)

Upper Michigan : As a result of a tour by Rev. Ralph Compere, State chair-
man of the Wisconsin League, new branches have been set up at Iron Mountain,
Iron River, Ironwood, in Michigan, and at Phelps in Wisconsin. The Michigan
towns plan to organize themselves into a district and to spread the league
further into this area.

(Church Peace Poll, Fight, by Alfred Schmalz, p. 2 :)

The peace plebiscite, conducted by the Council for Social Action of the Congre-
gational and Christian Churches, is the largest recorded vote in the United States
on certain issues of war and peace. About 200,000 people from 2,504 churches
across the land cast their votes on some of the most controversial issues of the
day. The plebiscite thus represents a lair cross section of opinion and conviction
in America, and give the facts on which future education for peace should
be based.

(Forward Against the Forces of Death, Fight, p. 9 :)

Dr. Harry F. Ward, after reading greetings from various organizations : "Now,
we will have a brief 10 minutes subsessiou of representatives from religious or-
ganizations and one from Negro and farmers' groups. At the conclusion of these
sessions, we will have special sessions : Trade unions, cultural and fraternal,
religious, workers' clubs, ex-servicemen's organizations, unemployed, farmer and
Negro organizations."

Rev. W. B. Waltmire : "The final thing the religious groups can contribute to
this movement is to organize among religious people units of people who will
stand shoulder to shoulder with the working class until victory is won. I may
be a preacher, but I am on the side of the workers from now until death."

(Is Opposition to Hitler Growing? Fight, by John Haynes Holmes,
September 1935, p. 2 and 3 :)

In a recent sermon Dr. Holmes made an eloquent appeal for unity of Chris-
tians and Communists in oppo.sition to the forces of reaction driving toward
war and fascism, and in the struggle for the achievement of a better world based
on brotherhood and cooperation among men. If churchmen will unite with
Communist, Socialists, trade unionists, and everyone else opposed to war and
fascism, our forces will be tremendously sti'engthened, and war and fascism will
not be inevitable. Already the American League Against War and Fascism
has brought together in its ranks people of diverse political and religious beliefs,
liberals, radicals, and revolutionists, of all races and creeds.

(The United Student Front, Fight, by Joseph P. Lash, March 1936,
p. 6:)

The hope of America : The student Christian movement is the student divisions
of the YMCA and YWCA but in a larger sense it can be said to include the Na-
tional Council of Methodist Youth, the interseminary movement, and the many

2186 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

other organized student organizations in America and one of the most progres-
sive. The National Council of Methodist Youth and many local Y's supported the
student strike against Jim-Crowism and violations of academic freedom. They
have cooperated with labor in strikes. They are for the united student front
for peace, freedom, and security because they consider it the consistent expres-
sion of true religion under present conditions.

(Building the League, Fight, by Kussell Thayer, April 1939, p. 27 :)

The whole league membership welcomes Thomas L. Harris as the executive
secretary of the American League as he assumes office April 1. Mr. Harris
comes to the league from the rectorship of Christ Church, Cranbrooke, Bloom-
field Hills, Mich., and is eminently suited to giving executive leadership to the
national organization. A graduate of Cambridge University, formerly a fellow
at Union Theological Seminary, for 3 years adviser in religion at Harvard
University and later rector of the Church of St. Luke and Epiphany in Phila-
delphia, Mr. Harris is widely known in student and church fields. To the public
at large he is known as a speaker and as an author of books on religion and
travel, and for numerous articles in Harper's, the Churchman, Living Church,
and other publications. During recent months Mr. Harris has been able to
spend a few days occasionally in the national office in preparation for the work
ahead. The league has been without a permanent executive head for a long
while now, and Mr. Harris' appointment should give encouragement and new
determination to all of us to build the league.

(Forward From Pittsburgh, Fight, by James Waterman Wise,
January 1938, p. 6:)

A broadened base : The very composition of the congress was proof of the
changed and broadened base of the struggle against war and fascism. The
1,416 delegates representing more than 4 million people constituted an increase
of about 1 million over the Cleveland congress of 1936. Even more significant
than this numerical increase was the changing character. As against 603,511
trade union members represented by 286 delegates in 1936, there were 413 labor
delegates from A. F. of L. and CIO unions who represented 1,622,231 trade
unionists. Similarly there was a rise in farm representation from 61,471 in
1936 to 163,036. In addition, there was broad representation from professional,
religious, youth, racial, fraternal, and women's groups.

(Building the League, Fight, by Kussell Thayer, May 1938, p. 27 : ;

A crowd of over 17,000 people turned out to the rally for peace at Madison
Square Garden, New York City, April 4. The meeting was conducted under
the sponsorship of a group of prominent individuals in the peace movement:
Henry A. Atkinson, Harry F. Ward, Henrietta Roelofs, James T. Shotwell,
William B. Spofford, William W. Hinckley, Clark M. Eichelberger, Charles G.
Fenwick, Marion M. Miller, Margaret E. Forsyth, Edgar J. Fisher. The national
office and the New York City division of the American League participated in
the arrangements for this great peace rally, where thousands of people turned
out and voted unanimously for a resolution to Congress and the administration
which called for a revision of the Neutrality Act and the holdding of open hear-
ings in the House. The speakers were Bishop G. A. Oldham, of Albany, chair-
man ; Dr. Charles Fenwick, president of the Catholic Association for Inter-
national Peace ; Clark M. Eichelberger, of the League of Nations Association ;
Bishop Francis J. McConnell ; Dr. Harry F. Ward, of the American League for
Peace and Democracy ; Representative Byron N. Scott, of California ; the Rever-
end Herman F. Reissig; and Rabbi Stephen S. Wise. Dr. Ward's speech has
been i>ublished by the Methodist Federation for Social Service and can be secured
from the American League at 5 cents a copy and at reduced rates in bundle lots.

Mr. ScHERER. Let the record show this is where the special consid-
eration ends.

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, do you have any furtlier material involv-
ing the American League Against War and Fascism ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, sir ; I do. In addition to those statements which
have just been incorporated in the record, I have four very important
additional statements which I should like to present to the committee
from Fight magazine. They cover the period from 1934 to 1938.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2187

They show advocacy of the sabotajje of industry and transportation
by the American Lea<^ie Against War and Fascism.

Mr. KuNZKJ. Mr. Chairman, I respectfully recommend that these
four statements bo incorporated into the record at this point.

Mr. SciiEKEK. They may be so incorporated.

(The material referred to is as follows:)

(The Campus Divides, F'ight, by James A. Wechsler, October
lOa-i, p. 13:)

Chemical, and all otber warfare, will become impossible when and if all those
who make, traii-sport, ami operate "means of destruction" refuse any longer to.
do so. U'here is no power on earth that could resist for so much as 1 week
the relentless forces of mass action directed by, and in the sole interests of,
plain human beings who wish to control their destinies to the ends of peace,,
security, and social progress.

(Merchant Seamen, Fight, by James Green, May 193-1, p. 14:)

Stop munition shipments: It is plain that in the maritime industry the cards
are stacked all down the line lor war, and there is only one force that can
prevent them from being dealt and that force is the internati<mal class unity
of the workers organizing and carrying out strikes against shipment of war
materials and cooperating with all those who are seriously hghtiug against
war.

(Father Couglilin Shows His Face, Fight, by Harold Patch, INIarcli
1038, p. 12:)

Methodists against war : The social service commission of the New York East
Annual Conlerence, composed of 300 Methodist ministers, adopted the following
decliU'ation on May 10 : "The church must be in active opposition to war and
stand for total and universal disarmament. We favor organized resistance to
war and preparations for war. We urge workers and professional men to unite
in an effort to stop the manufacture and transport of munitions and other ma-
terials essential to the conduct of war."

(Fight magazine, June 1035, p. 12:)

Methodists Against War. The Social Action Service Commission of the New
York East Annual Conference, composed of 300 Methodist ministers, adopted
the following declaration on May 10 :

"The church must be in active opposition to war and stand for total dis-
armaments. We favor organized resistance to war and preparations to war.
We urge workers and professional men to unite in an effort to stop the manu-
facture and transport of munitions and other materials essential to the con-
duct of war."

Mr. JoHNSox. Here are some excerpts from Fight magazine which
clearly indicate that the policy advocated by the American League
Against War and Fascism was actually carried out.

Mr. KuxziG. I should like to offer in addition, Mr. Chairman, these
two excerpts from Fight to be incorporated in the record at this
point as excellent examples of how the policy set forth by the Ameri-
can League Against War and Fascism has been carried out.

Mr. SciiERER. It shall be so incorporated.

(The material I referred to is as follows:)

(Building the League, Fight, by Ida Dailes, May 1934, p. 15 :)

From Baltimoi'e we get word that two antiwar committees have been or-
ganized on ships leaving that port. On one of these ships a pledge was signed
by 2!) of the seamen to strike against imperialist war on May 1. This is part
of the activity being developed in Baltimore, leading up to the conference to-
be held there on April 29.

(Building the League, Fight, by Ida Dailes, May 1934, p. 15:)

The Baltimore section of the league has begun concentration on very impor-
tant waterfront points of that city. Here are located chemical plants, scrap

2188 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

iron, ordnance, and shipbuilding depots. Leaflets were distributed to these
workers announcing an antiwar outdoor meeting April 6. When the speakers
arrived, more than 500 workers were waiting for them, and by the time the
meeting was in full swing, 1,500 Negro and white workers were in attendance
from these basic war industries. The meeting was addressed by marine and
steelworkers, and the response was good. Another meeting will be held in
the same place when committees and branches of the league will be set up. A
similar meeting at another point on the waterfront was attended by 600 sea-
men, steelworkers and longshoremen, with equally good response from the
audience. Committees of the league have been set up on five ships. A benefit
performance of the motion picture, Forgotten Man, is being given by the
Baltimore section, with an antiwar part replacing the patriotic ending of the
film.

Mr. Johnson. You will note point 7 in the league's program calls
for the winning of the Armed Forces to the support of the program
of the American League Against War and Fascism.
* I would like to offer to the committee some quotations from Fight
magazine showing that efforts were made to infiltrate the armed
services and that they did pay off to the extent that members of the
National Guard and the Regular Army participated in meetings of
the American League Against War and Fascism and that in their
speeches at these meetings they revealed military secrets which, of
course, were transmitted by the Communists w^ithin the American
League Against War and Fascism to Soviet Russia and to Soviet
Military Intelligence. I know that such was the procedure on the
basis of my experience and knowledge as a leader in the Communist
Party.

Mr. KuNziG. You had personal experience in the transmission of
such information?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, that was a rule of the Communist Party.

Mr. ScHERER. When you say, Mr. Witness, that that was a rule of
the party, do you mean that it was understood that all information
coming into the league was to be passed on to Soviet Intelligence?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, all information coming into the American
League Against War and Fascism at all front organizations of the
Communist Party had to be sent to Russia for evaluation.

Mr. Scherer. And it is passed on through these various front
organizations by the members of the Communist Party who have
infiltrated these front organizations and who actually run the front
organizations?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. The Communist Party fraction, in
other words, in the front organizations is responsible for the trans-
mission of this information and material to the leaders of the Com-
munist Party who forward it to Soviet Russia, where it is handed
over to the various connnissions and evaluated.

Mr. KuNziG. I recommend, Mr. Chairman, then, that these excerpts
from Fight magazine, in addition to all the other previous excerpts
from Fight magazine which have been presented here this afternoon
be incorporated in toto into the record at this point.

Mr. Scherer. So the record may be clear, Mr. Johnson, do I under-
stand from your testimony that you, yourself, had knowledge of a
transmission of such information as you have indicated, and that
you are merely introducing these excerpts from the official publica-
tion of the league to substantiate and corroborate what you are testi-
fying here today from your own knowledge ?

COMJMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2189

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I am testifyino; from my own knowledge and
training while a member of tlie Communist Party.
Mv. SciiEKEK. It may be incorporated into the record.
(The material referred to is as follows :)

(Youth Congress, Fight, by James Lerner, November 1934, p. 13 :)

We, si'oups of Illinois snardsmen delegated here by groups of guardsmen in
our companies, greet you in your stru.ggle against war and fascism. We bring
word from antiwar and anti-Fascist groups organizing within the regiments
to give expression to our form of fighting fascism, by refusal to strike duty.

We wish to state that several entire companies in the National Guard through
a verbal vote have endorsed our program against strike duty. We pledge our
support in organizing many more such groups'. We, workers in uniform, are
with you.

(Signed) Groups of Guardsmen, 33d Division, Illinois National Guard.

(Youth Congress, Fight, by James Lerner, p. 13 :)

The Youth Congress Against War and Fascism, which has just been held in
Chicago as part of the Second United States Congress Against War and Fascism :
Seven hundred and forty-nine youth delegates between the ages of 16 and 25
(out of a total of 3,332 delegates), young workers, and students, some fellows
who a few days previous to the congress were shouldering rifles in the National
Guard, or even in the Regular Army, and know what military training means,
made their way to Chicago.

(Forward, Fight, November 1934, p. 14:)

A representative from the National Guard :

"As a representative of a group of guardsmen from four divisions of the
National Guard of the United States, I bring you greetings. [Applause.] We
are carrying on work among the National Guard against fascism by organizing
antlstrikebreaking groups. We pledge our full support to carry out all the deci-
sions of the congress." [Applause and cheering.]

Chairman Ward : "Please don't delay this part of the program by prolonged
applause. We are now to hear from a first lieutenant of the Regular United
States Army."

First Lieutenant, United States Army: "The troops of this area have just
completed in Camp Custer, Mich., war meneuvers on a larger scale than since the
last war. The Reserve ofiicers of this area have worked out all the details of
their mobilizations plans, while training has been intensified here. For the
machines of destruction the capitalists pay dearly, but to the General Staff the
lives of the workers are cheap. Our participation in this congress is our militant
answer to those preparations." [Great applause and demonstration.]

(The Steelworkers, Fight, by ^Y. S. Eichards, March 1934, p. 14:)

But all antiwar activities to date are entirely insufficient. There must be a
thousandfold increase in the activities of all who oppose war. Especially must
the American league plan and carry through a progi'am of concentrated atten-
tion upon the key war industries, and especially steel. This campaign can be
assisted if every man and woman in a steel town will write in and tell the
American league every detail of war preparations in their locality.

(National Guard, Fight, by a member of the 212th Coast Artillery
Antiaircraft, March 1934, p. 14:)

In such a specialized arm of the Army as the 212th Coast Artillery Antiaircraft
Regiment preparations for war are noticeable. Tliis regiment, which will form
the basis in time of war for the training of thousands of gunners among the
drafted civilians, is being constantly perfected for aerial combat. Though
ostensibly for protecting ammunition dumps, aviation bases, and strategic posi-
tions, developing motorization is pointng to the use of this regiment as an arm
of attack. Mounted on trucks with a speed averaging 75 miles an hour, and at
lower speeds doing rapid artillery fire, the regiment attains great mobility and
firing accuracy. The antiaircraft guns have been throwing a hundred-mile beam.
Actual war maneuvers every year at the camp in Oswego, N. Y., which every man
must attend even at the risk of losing his job, demonstrate the developing of
efficiency.

2190 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

(National Guard, Fight, by a member of the 212th Coast Artillery
Antiaircraft, March 1934, p. 14:)

Reach the National Guard : The National Guard man knows that he is the first
to be called in time of war. He is also conscious of the fact now, that he is used
in breaking strikes. Many are being enlisted and trained in Fascist gangs.
However, antiwar and anti-Fascist propaganda, when it reaches him, falls on
particularly fertile ground. Special attention must be paid to reaching the
National Guard men. In New York there are 26,000 of them. In almost every
State there are many regiments of these soldiers. Before Roosevelt was elected
President, Congress appropriated $300 million for the guard. Now this amount
has increased tremendously. Exact information is rarely printed in the press.
The New York National Guardsman, an official organ of the War Department
wiiich is the prostitute press of the American warmongers.

Antiwar publications and literature must reach the National Guard men. In.
the armories and in the homes of the men and in their shops there must be a
ceaseless barrage of political education. Tlie National Guard man is a potential
antiwar and anti-Fascist fighter.

Mr. KuNziG. Do you have, by any chance, with you, Mr. Johnson,,
any copies of Fight magazine, or shall I say photostatic copies of
pertinent pages of Fight magazine, which illustrates specifically the
program of the American League Against War and Fascism?

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; I have.

Mr. KuNziG. Would you pass them over to me, please.

Mr. Johnson. Yes.

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Chairman, I should like to offer these five docu-
ments into evidence as Johnson exhibit Nos. 13, 14, 15, 16, and 17.

Mr. ScHERER. Before these documents are admitted in evidence, I
want to ask the witness a question of similar import to that one I just
asked a few minutes ago. Is the information contained in these ex-
hibits a true example of the actions of the American League Against
War and Fascism, loiown to you by your own personal experiences in
the league?

Mr. Johnson. Yes; from my own personal knowledge as a mem-
ber of the national committee of the Communist Party and a member
of the national committee of the American League Against War and
Fascism, this information represents the program of the League
Against War and Fascism and also the program of the Communist
Party. I sat in on meeting's on both the high level and low level in the
Communist Party, at which time the program of the American League
Against War and Fascism was discussed and recommended.

These discussions and recommendations were handed down by the
political bureau of the Communist Party, discussed in the lower organs
of the Communist Party. They were presented to the League Against
War and Fascism for adoption by the Communist Party fraction
within the league.

Mr, Kunzig. In other words, Mr. Johnson, you not only participated
in all these events described herein, but jon lived them in j^our own
personal life?

Mr. Johnson. That is right.

Mr. Scherer. In view of that statement, exhibit Nos. 13, 14, 15, 16,
and 17 may be admitted into evidence.

(The photostatic copies of Fight magazine pages received in evi-
dence as Johnson exhibit Nos. 13, 14, 15, 16, and 17.)

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2191

Manning Johnson Exhidit No. 13
(Fight, February 193G, iip. 8 and 9)
The Thiud Congress
(By Paul Roid)

Clevelaud's reception of the Third United States Congress Against War and
Fascism differed greatly from our previous experiences. The Cleveland Feder-
ation of Labor was officially represented by five delegates and l)rougbt words of
greeting through Max S. Hayes, veteran labor leader. Not only did the city
council endorse the congress, but the mayor was present at the opening mass
meeting to bring words of greeting. The press gave us liberal space and sympa-
thetic attention. Arrow placards on lampposts and cards in the streetcars
announced the congress and pointed the way to the pulilic auditorium.

The movement against war and fascism in the United States is growing in
scope, in numbers, in seriousness of purpose, and in understanding of the means
necessary to achieve its goals. The character and proceedings of the Third
United States Congress Against AVar and Fascism demonstrated this fact.
Organized labor and farm people, schoolteachers and youth, professional work-
ers and women testilied to the broad character and deep devotion of the forces
opposed to war and fascism by their active work and significant decisions in this
congress. From the opening moments of the commission meetings on Friday to
the closing minutes of the secretaries' meeting on Monday it was evident that the
third congress meant business, and that every delegate was ready to take an
active part in shaping the program and developing the tactics necessary to stop
war and fascism.

It was evident, too, from the very outset, that the American League Against
War and Fascism had gained the attention both of friends and sympathizers and
of opponents and enemies. The endorsements of labor and of civic bodies, the
presence of official observers from political groups and the interest of the press
and public figures marked the broad impress of the Congress. Attacks by offi-
cials of the American Legion and the presence of the snooping Hearst press
revealed that the league had become a force to be considered l)y the proponents
of war and fascism.

The serious mood of the congress and the broad makeup of the delegations
characterized the sessions of the three commissions that met on Friday at the
Hotel Hollenden. The women's commission, ably led by Margaret Forsythe,
considered the signature campaign for total disarmament, antiwar work among
farm women, the increasing discrimination used against women, and several
other vital problems. A national women's committee was selected to carry on
the program adopted by this commission. The youth commission, with Waldo
McNutt and James Lerner as leaders, gave its attention to the problems of mili-
tarism in education and youth under fascism. The Commission on Organiza-
tional Structure and Tactics, with Charles Webber in the chair, concentrated
on finance and membership, extensions and affiliations, campaigns and united-
front problems. "Our burning concern in this commission," read the opening
report, "and throughout the whole congress is to strengthen the league as the
most effective organization opposing the onrush of war and the inroads of fascism
in the United States."

Mass meeting. Friday night. The arena of the Public Auditorium. From the
opening words of greeting by Mayor Harold Burton of Cleveland to the closing
words of the last speaker, Gen. Smedley Butler, the common purpose and intense
interest of the 10,000 people assembled was constantly affirmed. Scorning the
criticism of the local American Legion, Mayor Burton defended the right of free
speech and free assembly by welcoming the congress on behalf of the city of
Cleveland. Max S. Hayes, speaking for the A. F. of L. of Cleveland, warned the
huge crowd of the growing Fascist acts of orderly government, and maintained
that even if the devil himself had founded the league he was with it through
thick and thin in its purpose to stop war and fascism.

Among the other speakers were Caroline Hart, youth speaker; Langston
Hughes, Negro author and playwright ; Rabbi Barnett R. Brickner, of Cleveland ;
Frank Palmer, editor of the People's Press ; Bishop Edgar Blake, of the Methodist
Episcopal Church; Wyndham Mortimer, of the auto workers' union; State
Senator C. W. Fine, of North Dakota ; and Gen. Smedley Butler. All reiterated
the need for the widest possible common action against the evils of war and

2192 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

fascism. Bishop Blake, in his quiet, scholarly way, alined the church morally
and actively with all those forces that are working for peace and freedom.
General Butler, in his typical style, denounced war as a racket, and swore that
the league was on the right track in opposing war. Dr. Ward, as chairman
of the meeting, clearly stated the purposes and program of the league just
before he introduced General Butler for the part of the program that went
on the air.

The first general session of the congress on Saturday morning began with a
very dramatic moment as the chairman, Dr. Ward, asked the delegates to stand
in memory of those who would have been present but were restrained in jails.
Greetings from Councilman Joseph Artl, of Cleveland, brought words of appre-
ciation from the chairman for the valuable help that Mr. Artl had given in pre-
paring for the congress. The delegates cheered as Mrs. Victor L. Berger, widow
of one of America's pioneer Socialists, spoke.

The report of Dr. Harry F. Ward, the national chairman, was received with
both applause and sober reflection. "We meet today in a world which is mo-
bilized for war as never before in the history of man, a world in which war has
begun. * * * Our task here is first to see that the United States is kept out of
war, next to use our exceptional position, because of our immunity from invasion,
because of our freedom from entangling alliances, not for purposes of selfish iso-
lation, but in order to stop the wax'makers, and the invaders of other people's
territory in other parts of the world.* * * It is clear that the Fascist forces in
the United States are crystallizing and consolidating. * * * Fascism in this
country is the destruction of democracy by violence, the substitution of the rule
of force for the attempt of the people to govern themselves, and this, for the sake
of preserving profits, property income, and the profit system ; that is the essence
of American fascism."

According to the report of the executive secretary, Paul Reid, the league grew
in the last 15 months from 44 city committees to 101, and from 835 members to
4,500. Significant advances in the printing and distribution of publications and
in organizational developments were also noted. The chief weaknesses cited
were financial and the need for more organizers in the field. The report con-
cluded : "We have come far as an organization and as a force in the American
scene in the past 15 months. But during 1936 we must cover more ground and
become a still stronger organization if we are to achieve the goals which the
American League Against War and Fascism set for itself 2 years and 3 months
ago.

Nine commissions met on Saturday afternoon to consider the campaign against
war and fascism as it related to specific fields and interests. The Trade Union
and Labor Commission, with Clarence Irwin as chairman, was the largest and
represented the most vital interest of the congress. Between five and six hun-
dred delegates were occupied over 4 hours in the deliberations of this commis-
sion. Delegates from coast to coast and from all the major industrial fields took
part. The war and fascism commission under the leadership of Roger Baldwin
was next largest in numbers and interest. Here the new 10-point program of
the league was hammered out and prepared for presentation to the congress.
James Waterman Wise was in charge of the commission on national and racial
minorities ; Rev. Herman Reissig led the religious commission ; Kay Harris pre-
sided over the farm commission ; Harold Hickerson was chairman of the vet-
erans' commission ; LeRoy Bowman, of educational commission ; Sarah Story and
Gene Oliver, of the children's commission ; and Joseph Pass, of the Fight and
literature commission.

The cultural program on Saturday night was prefaced by a very impressive
Barbusse memorial service in which Dr. Ward, Earl Browder, and Roger Bald-
win were the speakers. The founder of the World Committee of the League
Against War and Fascism was memorialized in words, in thoughts, and in music.
Gen. Fang Chen-Wu, of China, and Jean Perron, of Canada, added their
words of appreciation for the historic work of this great leader. The cultural
program of drama and music was not only impressive of itself but added variety
and new form to the congress program.

The Sunday morning session of the congress was packed full of interesting
reports, and several rather dramatic events occurred. Prof. Robert Morss Lovett,
chairman of the credentials conmiittee, gave a preliminary report on the number
and kinds of delegates registered. Margaret Forsythe, reporting from the
women's commission, not only presented a resume of the work done at the con-
gress, but also indicated the growing scope of the activities of women against
war and fascism throughout the country. The high point of the youth commis-

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2193

sion report — given by James Lerner, youth secretary — was the announcement of
a declaration of youth adopted by this conuuissioii. Reports of the farm, reli-
gious, educational, children's, and organization conuuissions followed, revealing
a vast amount of solid work and concrete plans for action in these si>eciflc fields
in the year ahead.

One more connnission report came before the noonday adjournment, and that
was on the lO-point program (see p. (>) considered by the war and fascism com-
mission. Roger Baldwin presenti'd these points and they were adopted in order,
with a minority report on but one point. The issue involved was a rather simple
one — whether the Soviet Union should be referred to in the statement of our
stand on total disarmament. The assembled delegates voted by a decisive major-
ity to include the words, and thus rejected the minority position.

The international session which began the afternoon program centered on the
worldwide character of the movement against war and fascism. Dr. Mendez, of
Mexico, invited the congress to send delegates to an all- American congress in
Mexico City next June. A message from the oppressed people of Cuba was
delivered by Leonardo Fernandez Sanchez, now a political exile in this country
after serving valiantly in the Cuban league.

Canada was represented by A. A. McLeod, the general secretary of the Canadian
league.

General Fang Chen-Wu presented a warm message of greeting from the op-
pressed people of China, with Dr. Hansu Chan acting as interpreter. Then Miss
Haru Matsui spoke for the Japanese people who are opposed to war and fascism.
At this point a statement prepared by a number of Christian Japanese in this
country was read, giving expression to their opposition to the imperialist and
Fascist acts of the ruling group in Japan. Dr. Kurt Rosenfeld spoke on behalf
of the German anti-Fascists and revealed the latest developments of the brutal
Fascist regime in Germany. Another colorful moment full of dramatic meaning
occurred when Dr. Ward introduced a Negro and an Italian, representing Ethi-
opia and Italy, and these two fellow lighters against the ravages of war and the
oppressions of fascism shook hands and greeted each other warmly.

Paul Porter, official observer for the national executive conmiittee of the
Socialist Party, welcomed the resolution introduced by Robert Morss Lovett,
which opened the way for the closer cooperation between the Socialist Party, the
league, and additional trade unions toward the broadening of the movement
against war and fascism.

The remaining commission reports — trade union, national and racial minorities,
and literature and Fight — were the next items of business. Clarence Irwin,
reporting for the trade-union commission, maintained — with spirited applause —
that the position of organized labor was basic in the struggle against war and
fascism. James Waterman Wise and Manning Johnson gave the report for the
minorities commission, and revealed that many minority groups were taking an
active part in our common drive against the evils before us. Joseph Pass, in the
concluding report, presented the plans for an enlarged magazine with many new
features, and for additional pamphlets and leaflets.^

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 14

(Fight, September 1934, p. 5)

Antiwar Congkess

(By Earl Browder)

The writer of this article is the general secretary of the Communist Party and
a vice chairman of the American League Against War and Fascism.

The American League Against W^ar and Fascism arose out of the first great
United States Congress Against War and Fascism, held in New York 1 year ago.

This was the initial serious effort in America to build a really broad, all-inclu-
sive united front against these twin scourges of the masses of the population.
Now, as we approach the second congress, called for Chicago on September 28,
29, and 30, it is valuable to review our experiences of a year ago. Let us recall
what it was that made the first congress a strong and historic gathering.

Last year's congress escaped those pitfalls which would have condemned it to
sterility. From the beginning, it refused to adopt any limitation which would

^ This article describes further the reports of various committees of this congress, and
the singing of "Solidarity" at its conclusion.

2194 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

have excluded any group or category expressing a sincere desire to unite on a
minimum program of struggle against war and fascism. As a result, the congress
had 2,616 delegates, from 35 States, representing the broadest variety of organi-
zations ever gathered under 1 roof in this country, from churches and peace
groups, trade unions, a wide variety of workers' political, fraternal, and cultural
organizations, etc. Some idea of the inclusive character of the congress is given
by the official report of the credentials committee rendered to the congress.

Who Camef

Report of the credentials committee submitted by Delegate Jack Herling :
This report covers the delegates registered at this congress up until 10 a. m.
Sunday morning. We have not questioned the right of any delegate to this
congress to be seated.

Delegates are present at this congress from 35 States in the United States
and from 3 foreign countries. The total number of delegates at present reg-
istered is 2,616, listed under the following general categories.

Antiwar and peace organizations 178

Anti-Fascist organizations 19

Labor defense and relief 172

Educational and cultural 364

Religious groups 14

Language labor groups 253

Fraternal labor organizations 370

Trade unions 450

Factory committees 147

Unemployed organizations 135

Farmers organizations 41

Veterans organizations 87

Women organizations 106

Negro organizations 19

General youth organizations 129

Student groups 79

Communist Party 130

Young Communist League 70

Socialist Party 9

Y. P. Socialist League 1

Other political parties (Conference for Progressive I^abor Action, Com-
munist Party opposition, official representatives) 18

People's Lobby 5

Continental Congress 1

National Guard 1

Rifle Club 1

Antiwar mass meetings 4

Miscellaneous 19

League of Nations Association 1

The coming second congress can, and must, be made even larger and more
alMnclusIve than the first one. This is the road to a real mass struggle against
war and fascism, which can be defeated only through mass power.

Facing reality

Another set of pitfalls that threatened the first congress, was the questions
arising around the program. There was the danger of dissolving the movement
by seeking to offend no one in the program, which, in the last analysis always
means to have a program so vague that it is no program at all. There was the
opposite danger of running so far ahead of the mass movement that the bulk of
even sincere enemies of war and fascism would not be prepared to follow.

Both these dangers on the program question were avoided by the first congress.
Steadfastly insisting upon a minimum program of action, without illusions,
facing the most bitter realities, recognizing the true relation of class forces, the
congress at the same time -drew up such a program as even the enemies of the
League Against War and Fascism have found exceedingly difficult to attack. The
program appeals to, and gives practical tasks for, the most diverse groups and
strata of the toiling population, in such form that to reject the program is clearly
in all objective results nothing else than to reject the fight against war and
fascism.

COMAIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2195

Attached to the call for the second congress, this program has again been cir-
culated in 1(X>,U00 copies. It would be very valuable if it would become the sub-
ject of a broad mass discussion in the precongress period. We invite all critics
of the league or its program, to come forwai-d, please, with any and all criticisms
of tliis document. All such criticisms will serve the very valuable purpose of
demonstrating how sound and indispensable precisely such a program as this is
for tlie movement against war and fascism. Perhaps that is the reason why all
our enemies keep dead silence about our program ; it is one of our really strong
points.

Taking stock

What progress have we made in carrying out the program? Here the situation
is not so favorable. Only the first beginnings have been made. We cannot, of
course, afford to underestimate the importance of what we have been able to do.
The American League Against War and Fascism has, for the first time in this
country, brought upon the scene a dependable yardstick to measure the worth
and effectiveness of all ideas and organizations in this field. This has been
enormously valuable ; it has brought some order into the previous chaos ; it has
revealed who is who and where they stand. A great educational work, of
fundamental nature, has been done.

Serious achievements in carrying out our program since the first congress are,
however, as yet confined largely to the field of educational work. Of a more
deep-g(»ing nature — mobilizing for sustained actions and bringing organizational
features of a permanent character, we can cite only a few outstanding examples.
This would include :

1. The growth of the youth section and its activities, which have extended
and activized the broad united front to include about everything healthy and liv-
ing in its field, student-strike movement, a national youth day series of mass
demonstrations, dozens of conferences, publications, etc.

2. The Women's Committee and especially its mass campaign for election of
the broad delegation to the Women's World Congress Against War and Fascism
in Paris.

3. The growingly successful publication of the monthly journal. Fight Against
War and Fascism, which has won a secure and honorable place for itself purely
on its merits.

4. The mass demonstrations and parades on August 4, the 20th anniversary of
the world war, which in some places, as New York City, revealed an unexpected
degree of mass interest and active support for the American League, and dis-
closed really great potentialities.

Moiilize

We have all reasons to expect the second congress, to be held in Chicago on Sep-
tember 28, 29, and 30, to mark another big step forward. Every sincere enemy of
war and fascism must put his shoulder to the wheel to guarantee that it will
actually do so.

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 15
(Fight, February 1935, p. 14)

The League's Program

1. To work toward the stopping of the manufacture and transport of munitions
and all other materials essential to the conduct of war, throush mass demon-
strations, picketing and strikes; to likewise withdraw the professionals from
the service of the war machine and to enlist them in agitation and educational
propaganda against war and every aspect of fascism.

2. To expose everywhere the extensive preparations for war being carried on
under tlie guise of aiding national recovery.

3. To demand the transfer of all war funds to relief of the unemployed, the
distressed farmers and those deprived of education and the social services.

4. To oppose the policies of American imperialism in the Far East, in Latin
America and throughout the world; to support the struggles of all colonial
peoples against the imperialist policies of exploitation and armed suppression.

5. To support the peace policies of the Soviet Union and especially the pro-
posals for total and universal disarmament, which today with the support of
masses in all coimtries constitute the clearest and most effective opposition to
war throughout the world.

2196 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

6. To oppose all developments leading to fascism in this country and abroad,
especially in Germany and other countries under Fascist dictatorships; to oppose
the increasingly widespread use of the armed forces against the workers, farm-
ers, and the special terrorism and suppression of Negroes in their attempts to
maintain a decent standard of living; to mobilize aggressive defense of the
civil liberties of these groups and so stop the growing Fascist trend of our so-
called democratic government.

7. To win the armed forces to the support of the program.

8. To enlist for our program the women in industry and in the home ; and
to enlist the youth, especially those who, by the crisis, have been deprived
of training in the industries and are therefore more susceptible to Fascist and
war propaganda.

9. To give effective international support to all workers and antiwar fighters
against their own imperialist governments ; and to all who suffer under and
struggle against the Fascist state.

10. To form committees of action against war and fascism in every im-
portant center and industry, particularly in the basic war industries ; to secure
the support for this program of all organizations seeking to prevent war, paying
special attention to labor, veteran, unemployed, and farmer organizations.

National, state, and city organizations of the league shall carry out these
objectives through educational propaganda, action by mass meetings, demon-
strations, picketing, and political pressure on legislative and administrative
officials. Every emergency calling for action shall be met by national cam-
paigns uniting all our forces in common resistance to these allied destroyers
of mankind — war and fascism.

Manning Johnson Exhibit Nos. 16 and 17
(Fight, February 1936, p. 6; March 1936, p. 14')

Action

The American League Against War and Fascism invites all organizations and
persons who desire to defeat these two allied enemies of mankind — war and
fascism — to unite in carrying out the following program :

1. To work toward the stopping of the manufacture and transport of munitions
in time of peace or war, and in time of war the transport of all other materials
essential to the conduct of war, through mass demonstrations, picketing, and
strikes; and to enlist the professional classes in educational propaganda against
war and for participation with woi'kers and farmers in antiwar actions.

2. To expose at every point the extensive preparations for war being carried
on by the Government of the United States (a) under the guise of "national
defense" and (ft) by diversion to war preparations funds for relief projects and
public works ; to demand that relief funds he spent only in constructive work or
for adequate relief, and that the huge additional budgets now being spent in
preparation for war be transferred to the extension of health and education.

3. To resist the increasing militarization of youth in schools, CCO, and CMTC
camps, and the use of their dependence upon relief to get them into the Armed
Forces.

4. To demand total and universal disarmament, as proposed by the Soviet
Union to the League of Nations, and to support all measures that move clearly
toward that goal.

5. To demand that neutrality legislation effectively cover all war supplies,
loans, and credits, and permit no discretion to the President ; more particularly, to
promote and support refusal of workers to handle all materials of war ; to
organize and support public condemnation of those who seek profit from the sale
of war materials and war loans ; to organize mass support for every effort,
national or international, which, in our judgment, as occasion arises, is directed
toward postponing, restricting, or shortening war.

6. To oppose the policies of American imperialism in Latin America, the Far
East, and throughout the world ; to give the support of our protests and demands
to all peoples who are resisting exploitation, aggression, and suppression by
imperialist powers; to those in all lands who struggle against the war measures
and Fascist policies of their own governments, and to all who suffer under the
Fascist state.

7. To demonstrate constantly the relationship between war and fascism ; to
expose and counteract Fascist propaganda, both foreign and native; to prevent
the formation of Fascist forces in this country.

1 Text of exhibits 16 and 17 are identical.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2197

8. To oppose all developments leading to fascism, particularly the increasingly
widespread use of armed forces and vigilante terrorism against workers, unem-
ployed, farmers, Negroes, and other racial minorities, who are exercising their
constitutional rights to protest against unbearable conditions and to organize
for their own advancement.

9. To resist the attempts of our American Fascists to destroy by legislation,
Executive order, judicial decree, or lawless action, our guaranteed civil rights
of free speech, free press, free assembly, the right to organize, picket, and dem-
onstrate; and further to resist all forms of discrimination against foreign-born
based on their political or labor activities.

10. To oppose all legislation or orders denying citizens in the Armed Forces
their constitutional right to receive printed matter or personal appeals in behalf
of this or any other program designed to secure peace, freedom, and justice;
and to defend their right to join organizations on the same basis as other citizens.

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, when you listed a short time ago in the
record this afternoon a group of names of members of the national
executive committee of the American League Against War and Fas-
cism, you included one Winifred Chappell. Did you know Winifred
Chappell personally ?

Mr. JoHNSOisr. Yes. Winifred Chappell was a Communist, and at
the same time she was secretary of the Methodist Federation for So-
cial Service. Now, in Fight magazine, June 1934, on page 15, she
wrote an article, and I quote :

Japan's competitive exports.

I won't read the entire article. I only wish to quote the last para-
graph of the article. She wrote :

Events of April and May have suddenly made this trade war into front-page
news. It is an unconcluded serial story (intertwined with the lagertail of ri-
valry between two economic assistants for the Soviet Union and the Soviet
part of Cliina are also in the picture), the last chapter of which will be war,
unless the workers who now make the competitive goods join in one mass war
refusal and then in a joyful international Soviet to supply their own and each
other's needs.

Mr. ScHERER. You say she was secretary of the Methodist Federa-
tion at the time she wrote that article?

Mr. Johnson. That is right. She is calling for an international
Soviet government.

jNIr. ScHERER. Did she write that as a Communist or as the secre-
tary^ of the Methodist Federation, or just under her own name?

Mr. Johnson. She wrote this as secretary of the Methodist Fed-
eration for Social Service.

Mr. ScHERER. Where did you say that was published?

Mr. Johnson. In Fight magazine, June 1934.

Mr. ScHERER. Was she a member of the American League Against
War and Fiscism?

Mr. Johnson. Yes.

Mr. KuNziG. And you knew her as a Communist?

Mr. Johnson. Yes.

Mr. Kunzig. So in a sense in the person of Winifred Chappell, the
Communist Party, the American League Against War and Fascism,
and the Methodist Federation for Social Service were all blended into
one?

Mr. Johnson. Yes.

Mr. Kunzig. Can you explain, if it lies within your knowledge,
why the Methodist Federation did not expel her immediately from
its ranks ?

2198 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE NEW YORK AREA

Mr. Johnson. The Methodist Federation for Social Service did
not expel her, because the program of the Methodist Federation for
Social Service calls for the Soviet form of government.

Mr. ScHERER. Who was the chairman at that time of the Methodist
Federation ?

Mr. Johnson. Harry F. Ward.

Mr. ScHERER. At that very time?

Mr. Johnson. I am sure he was chairman in 1934.

Mr. KuNziG. Is that the same Harry F. Ward who was also chair-
man of the American League for Peace and Democracy?

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; that is right.

Mr. ScHERER. The same one you have identified as a Communist?

Mr. Johnson. Yes.

Mr. KuNziG. Then the Methodist Federation had at least two prin-
cipal officers who were not only members of the Methodist Federation
for Social Service but also members of the Communist Party, to your
personal knowledge ?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct.

Mr. Scherer. May I ask one more question of the witness, Mr.
Counsel ?

Was Winifred Chappell also an active member of the Methodist
Church at that time ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, she was.

Mr. KuNziG. Is that the same Winifred Chappell who wrote the
article that youth of America should not yield to conscription and
should not fight if they actually were conscripted in any United States
Army ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; she is one and the same.

Mr. Scherer. How long did she remain secretary of the Methodist
Federation ?

Mr. Johnson. She was active, to my knowledge, many years, the
exact number I do not know at this time.

Mr. Scherer. What is the date of this article ?

Mr. KuNziG. June 1934.

Mr. Scherer. Mr. Johnson, do you know of any other person who
was an officer of the Methodist Federation at any time who was a
member of the Communist Party ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes; the Reverend Jack McMichael was a member
of the Methodist Federation.

I understand that he did attend and graduate from a divinity school.

Mr. Scherer. What was his connection with the Methodist Federa-
tion ?

Mr. Johnson. He was executive secretary of the Methodist Federa-
tion for Social Action up until 1953.

Mr. KuNZiG. I note you say the Methodist Federation for Social
Action, whereas a moment ago you were referring to it as the Federa-
tion for Social Service. Could you clarify that point and explain
just what those two organizations were?

Mr. Johnson. They are one and the same organization. It is just
a change of names. It was first called the Methodist Federation for
Social Service, and later it changed its name to the Methodist Federa-
tion for Social Action.

Mr. Scherer. How did you know that Reverend McMichael was a
Communist ?

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2199

Mr. Johnson. Well, durin^^ the period that I was a member of the
Communist Party, during the thii-ties, Jack McMichael was a member
of the National Connnittee of the Youn<T Communist League, and
he was also a member of the Communist Party, and from time to time
he met with the now fugitive Communist, (Jilbert Green, who was
head of the Young Communist League at that time, and he attended
occasionally meetings of the national committee of the Connnunist
Party with Gilbert Green.

Mr. ScHERER. Was Reverend McMichael still a member of the Com-
munist Party when you left the party ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, he was.

Mr. ScHERER. Mr. Counsel, the interrogation of this witness will
be continued at a later date in Washington.

Mr. Johnson, you will be notified as to when it will be. necessary for
you to appear. The committee will now recess pending the call of
the Chair.

(Whereupon, the subcommittee proceeded with the consideration of
other matters of concern to the committee, after which it adjourned,
pending the call of the Chair. The committee continued its inter-
rogation of Manning Johnson on July 13, 1953, and will be printed
in Investigation of Communist Activities in the New York City Area —
Parts.)

BOSTON PUBLIC LIBRARY

3 9999 05018 396 9

INVESTIGATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE
NEW YORK CITY AREA-Part 8

(BASED ON TESTIMONY OF MANNING JOHNSON)

HEARINGS

,,„ ,,, BEFORE THE

COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES
.w^^-- HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

EIGHTY-THIRD CONGRESS

FIRST SESSION

JULY 13 AND 14, 1953

Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities

INCLUDING INDEX

UNITED STATES
<;<t\ lOUXMENT PRINTING OFFICE
33909 WASHINGTON : 1953

Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents

OCT 7 - 1953

COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

United States House of Representatives
HAROLD H. VELDE, Illinois, Chairman

BERNARD W. KEARNEY, New York
DONALD L. JACKSON, California
KIT CLARDY, Michigan
GORDON H. SCHERER, Ohio

FRANCIS E. WALTER, Pennsylvania
MORGAN M. MOULDER, Missouri
CLYDE DOYLE, California
JAMES B. FRAZIER, JE., Tennessee

Robert L. Kdnzig, Counsel

Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., Counsel

Louis J. Russell, Chief Investigator

Thomas W. Beale, Sr.. Chief Clerk

Raphael I. Nixon, Director of Research

CONTENTS

Page
Testimony of Manning Johnson (resumed) 2201

Manning Johnson Exliibit No. 18 — Fight Magazine, July 1936, pages

5 and 26, article entitled, "I Make Shells," by George Roberts 2203

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 19 — Daily Worker, February 17, 1953,
pages 1 and 6, article headed, "2,300 Clergymen Ask Talks with
Eisenhower" 2215

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 20 — International of Youth, March
1935, pages 25 and 26, excerpt from article entitled "Full Speed
Ahead," by Gilbert Green 2222

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 21 — Daily Worker, May 7, 1953,
page 7, article headed, "Dr. Harry F. Ward's Achievements Re-
counted at Dinner in His Honor" 2228

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 22 — The Protestant Digest, April 1939,
pages 61-03, article entitled "United Christian Council for
Democracy" 2231

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 23 — The Protestant Digest, December
1938, article entitled, "Bill Spofford Hails United Front," by
William B. Spofford, reprinted from The Witness, September 22,
1938 2236

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 24 — The Protestant, April-May, 1942,
pages 52-55, excerpts from article entitled "Spirituality and Marx,"
by David Easton 2237

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 25 — The Protestant Digest, January
1940, pages 68-73, article entitled "Toward a Democratic Peace,"
by Harry F. Ward 2239

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 26 — The Protestant, October-Novem-
ber 1942, pages 47-50, Two Speeches, by Kenneth Leslie 2243

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 27 — -The Protestant, June- July 1942,
page 4, article entitled "Whose Property Is This War?" by Kenneth
Leslie 2245

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 28 — The Protestant, December-
January, 1942, pages 2 and 3, article entitled "God's Red Army".. 2246

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 29 — The Protestant, April 1939, pages
57 and 58, excerpt from article entitled "Why Not Be Fair to the
Soviet Union?" by Jerome Davis 2247

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 30 — The Protestant, October-Novem-
ber 1942, pages 38 and 39, article entitled "Meditation at Mur-
mansk," and letter addressed, "Dear Christ," by Daniel James 2248

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 31 — The Protestant, October-Novem-
ber 1941, pages 10 and 11, article entitled "Poison Well and the
Dean's Book" 2250

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 32 — The Protestant, October-Novem-
ber 1941, pages 105 and 106, letter to the editor, by Anna Louise
Strong 2250

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 33 — The Protestant, Januarj'-February-

March 1950, pages 4-6 2251

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 34. — The Protestant, October-
November 1941, pages 66-75, condensed version of article entitled
"God and Starvation— A True Story." by Cedric Belfrage 2256

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 35 — ^Daily Worker, July 10, 1953,

page 5, cartoon and editorial entitled "Freedom of Religion" 2262

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 36 — People's Institute of Applied
Religion, letterhead dated April 9, 1942, containing officers, and
international board and sponsors of that organization 2264

III

IV CONTENTS

Testimony of — Continued. Page
Manning Johnson Exhibit Xo. 37 — Young Communist Review,
September 1938, pages 8-10, article entitled "A Communist Dis-
cusses Christianity," by Raymond Guyot 2267

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 38 — Daily Worker, January 15, 1953,
page 8, article headed, "161 Protestant Church Leaders Ask

Truman To Amnesty Communist 11" 2270

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 39 — Daily Worker, January 14, 1953,
pages 1 and 6, article headed, "1,500 Protestant Pastors Ask Truman

To Save Refugees" 2273

Statement of Hoyt S. Haddock 2280

Index to Investigation of Communist Activities in the New York City

Area— Parts 5-8 2283

Public Law 601, T9th Congress

Tlie legislation under wliieli the House Committee on Un-American
Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79tli Congress [1946], chapter
753, 2d session, which provides:

Be it enacted hi/ the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States
of America in Congress assembled, * * *

PART 2— RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Rui^ X

SEC. 121. STANDING COMMITTEES
*******

17. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members.

Rule XI

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES

(q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities.

(A) Un-American activities.

(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommit-
tee, is authorized to malie from time to time investigations of (i) the extent,
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States,
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa-
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and
(iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any neces-
sary remedial legislation.

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting,
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and
to take such testimony as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under the
signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person
designated by any such chairman or member.

RULES ADOPTED BY THE S3d CONGRESS

House Resolution 5, January 3, 1953
*******

Rule X

STANDING COMMITTEES

1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Congress,
the following standing committees :

*******

(q) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members.
*******

Rule XI

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES
*******

17. Committee on Un-American Activities.

(a) Un-American Activities.

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee,
is authorized to make from time to time, investigations of (1) the extent, char-
acter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States;
(2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa-
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and
attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu-
tion; and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress
in any necessary remedial legislation.

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to
the Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such
investigation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable.

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance of
such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and to
take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under the
signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any
member designated by such chairman, and may be served by any person designated
by any such chairman or member.

INVESTIGATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE
NEW YORK CITY AREA— PART 8

(Based ou Testimony of Manning Johnson)

MONDAY, JULY 13, 1953

United States House of Representatives,

Subcommittee of the Committee

ON Un-American Activities.

Washington, D. G.
EXECUTI^^ session ^

The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities
met, pursuant to adjournment, at 10 : 49 a. m., in room 225-A, Old
House Office Building, Washington, D. C, Hon. Kit Clardy presiding.

Committee members present: Representatives Kit Clardy, Clyde
Dojde (appearance noted in transcript), and James B. Frazier, Jr.
(appearance noted in transcript).

Staff members present: Robert L. Kunzig, counsel; Leslie Scott,
research analj^st; George E. Cooper, investigator; and Mrs. Juliette
Joray, acting clerk.

Mr. Clardy. The hearing will be in order.

Let the record show that the chairman has appointed a subcom-
mittee of Mr. Clardy, Mr. Doyle, and Mr. Frazier for the purpose
of continuing this hearing.

Are you ready to proceed, Mr. Comisel ?

Mr. KuNziG. I am, Mr. Chairman.

Mr. Clardy. Let us take up where we left off in New York.

Mr. KuNziG. Off the record.

TESTIMONY OF MANNING JOHNSON— Kesimed

Mr. KuxziG. Mr. Johnson, could you give us further detailed testi-
monj' about the Methodist Federation for Social Service which, I
understand, later changed its name to the Methodist Federation for
Social Action?

Mr. Johnson. The Methodist Federation for Social Sei-vice or the
Methodist Federation for Social Action, headed by Rev. Harry F.
Ward, whom I have already identified as a party member, was in-
valuable to the Communist Party in its united-front organizations
and campaigns. It was invaluable because through it the party was
able to get contact with thousands of ministers all over the country.

^ Released by the full committee. Although this testimony was taken in Washing:ton,
D. C, it follows the earlier appearance of Manning Johnson before a subcommittee which
was sitting in New York City. For the purpose of continuity, this is printed under same
title.

2201

2202 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Mr. KuNziG. How do you mean that?

Mr. Johnson. Through the affiliation of ministers to the Methodist
Federation for Social Service or Social Action.

Mr. Clardy. You mean they could contact ministers who had not
the slightest idea about the sinister purposes and background of what
they were trying to do ?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. They had the contact, a wealth of
contact, established and built up over the years with ministers in every
section of the country who were easily and quickly involved in various
united-front activities, consequently giving these Communist-front
movements an aura of respectability the like of which they could not
get except for the tremendous amount of faith people have in religion
and the church.

Mr. KuNziG. Mrs. Bella Dodd testified before this committee a few
weeks ago to the effect that from her personal knowledge w^hen she
was one of the leading Communists in New York, they had various,
what she called, sucker lists of distinguished citizens, scientists, and
professional people throughout the country whom they used when-
ever they needed distinguished fronts to cover up their purposes.
These people did not know what their names were being used for. Is
the testimony that you are giving with regard to these ministers an
identically similar situation ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, only with this exception, that there were a num-
ber of ministers who actually knew what they were doing.

Mr. Clardy. May I interrupt to correct you, Mr. Kunzig?

Mrs. Dodd did not go quite that far. She indicated that some of
them did know the score, but that the vast majority of them probably
did not. In other words, there were a few, just as the witness has indi-
cated, who did know definitely that they were lending themselves to
Communist purposes, but most of them did not.

Mr. Johnson. I might add that quite a few ministers, for example,
participated in the united front known as the American League
Against War and Fascism, and it was later called the American League
for Peace and Democracy, in which many ministers were involved.
In fact, they were so deeply involved through Harry F. Ward, that
they became the spokesmen, the advocates, the builders, and the lead-
ers of this most important Communist front that engaged in every-
thing from simple assault on a government to espionage, sabotage, and
the overthrow of the Government of the United States.

Mr. Kunzig. Can you give some specific examples of this, please?

Mr. Johnson. Yes. I have before me an article in the Fight maga-
zine. Fight magazine was a publication of the American League
Against War and Fascism, and later the American League for Peace
and Democracy. It is an article written by George Roberts; the
subject, I Make Shells. He asks the following questions:

Are we prepared for an offensive war, or are we merely maintaining defensive
forces? A munitions worker gives inside information on naval armaments.

Mr. Kunzig. What is the date of this article, Mr. Johnson?

Mr. Johnson. The date of this article is July 1936. The author of
this article gives specifically to a Communist publication that is sent
to Moscow definite specifications of types and kinds of munitions, not
only shells, but submarine periscopes and other munitions. He also
gives quantities, increases in production over previous years. In short,
he gives information that is invaluable to Soviet military intelligence.

COMJMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2203

Mr. Clardy. Looking that article over, witness, it appears to me
that the type of material tliat is contained is something that would be
known either to tlio Govei'innent or to the person or firm entering into
the contract. It does not appear to be the type of information that
would normally be broadcast.

I wonder if you have any information about the identity of the fel-
low who wrote that, any suggestion to make as to how he would come
in |)ossession of tliat information?

Mr. Johnson. I could only say this, that the author, George Roberts,
evidently was in a sensitive spot in this particular munitions plant.
I do not knoAv him personally, and I could not sa.y that he is a mem-
ber of the Connnunist Party. He could either be a Communist, or
he could be a fellow who thought that by giving this information that
eventually will reach Russia in a roundabout way or direct way, that
he was aiding the cause of peace and democracy, and that is the danger
of these Communist-front organizations, in that they sell Americans
on an ideal, which, of course, they use for other purposes, for their
evil purposes.

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Chairman, I have this document now in my hand.
It is marked "Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 18," and I offer it, sir,
into evidence at this time.

Mr. Clardy. It will be received.

(The article from Fight magazine of July 193G, entitled "I Make
Shells," was received in evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit No. 18.)

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. IS

(Fight, July 1936, pp. 5 and 26)
I Make Shells

ARE WE PREPARING FOR AN OFFENSIVE WAR? OR ARE \^'E MERELY MAINTAINING DE-
FENSIVE FORCES? — A MUNITIONS WORKER GIVES INSIDE INFORMATION ON NAVAI.
ARMAMENTS

By George Roberts
Illustrated by H. J. Gllntenkamp

I am a munitions worker. I spend S hours out of every working day
helping to make shells and cannon ordered by the United States Navy. For
almost a year, I have been employed in a New Jersey steel mill, whose chief
concern today is the filling of those orders. There are six or seven hundred
of us, working in three shifts, night and day, getting those shells ready to be
shipped to the arsenals where they are painted, gTeased, and boxed, and getting
the cannon ready to be sent away to be rifled. We who make these death
dealers are fully three-quarters of all the men employed in the mill.

There was a time when this place where I work was just a high-grade mill,
turning out steel for tools, razor blades, and other needs of civic existence that
called for the finest quality of steel. But that was a good many years ago —
before 191.5, to be exact. Then a large order for shells from Great Britain
changed all that. Our country was "neutral," to be sure, but business is business.

"Keeping Us Out of War"

Two large ordnance buildings were added to the plant. These buildings, by
the way, in this country where an insuflieiency of school buildings was then and
still is a vexing problem, cost a couple of million apiece.

It wasn't long after that, of course, that the United States began ordering
shells, too. They had been using a very neat slogan about keeping us out of
war, for presidential campaigning ; and since the public didn't know the politi-
cians had their tongues in their cheeks as they said it, it put the campaign for

2204 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

President Wilson over with a bang. And then suddenly it developed that we
were called upon to make the world safe for democracy ; and it seemed that
those in power must have suspected it all along, because this mill where I work
now, and no doubt a lot of other steel mills, had been filling United States orders
for shells for some time.

Once they got fairly started, and out in the open, the United States Govern-
ment made an arrangement with the mill to pay for all the machines employed
in munitions manufacture, with the agreement that it might remove or leave
them, as it chose. But by the time the armistice came, they had been used sa
much that they were too worn out to be worth moving.

There followed a number of years when the shops stood idle. Then in 1926,
they were used to repair locomotives. That was because a strike, known in
labor annals as the "shopcrafts strike," was in progress, with machinists, boiler-
makers, etc., in the railroad shops all out. In other words, these steel mill
shops acted as strikebreakers, or "scabs," in the company's interest.

It was about a year later that they started making shells again; shells for
target practice and the like. Then in 1928 came a government order for 8-inch
shells; in 1930-1, orders for 5-inch shells; and from 1932 on, orders of such
increasing size and frequency that by now they are almost more than the company
can handle, and we work, as I said before, in three steady shifts that keep
going night and day.

The shells we make are for the Navy only, and our munitions shops are under
the control and constant supervision of Navy officials. Their inspectors are on
the .iob all the time, to be sure that nothing is slipped through that isn't entirely
up to standard. And "standard" is a pretty exacting matter ; only the best quality
of steel is admissible, the same as is used in the finest tools. This steel is kneaded
in huge ma.sses ; the process is like a baker kneading dough. Only dough is
intended to preserve life, whereas this steel doesn't get by unless it is quite
certain to be unfailingly destructive. It must be made hard enough to pierce
armor. All steel is rigoi'ously tested for such hardness before it is used, and
rejected if it doesn't pass the test. It is rumored that the government vises a
special armor, made by a formula obtained from Germany, for testing shells.

Long-Range Preparedness

The number of orders now on hand for a navy whose purpose is purely defense,
if we are to believe what we are told, is, to say the least, startling. An order
for Model A 6-inch shells that started at 8,000 was soon raised to 14,000, and
then speedily to 17,000, where it now stands.

We are also filling an order for 2,900 Model B 6-inch shells, and for 25,000
Model A 5-inch shells. We are making 24,000 5-inch antiaircraft shells ; and
there is an order on hand, filling of which has not yet started, for 25,000 star
shells, 5-inch. These are for lighting up the sky, each being fitted with a para-
chute and a flare.

Not the least significant of our orders, from the point of view of war prepara-
tion, is that which calls for more than 2,000 14-inch shells (the order is expected
to reach an ultimate total of 6,000) ; and a shop that has been out of use since
the War is being specially equipped to take care of it. It must be remembered,
in considering some of these figures, that the largest battleship has 12 guns, so
that only 12 shots can be fired at a time.

But the largest order of all is for 79,000 8-inch shells ; and when you consider
that it takes a month to make a thousand, you can't have very much doubt about
the long-range intentions of those placing the order.

These 8-inch shells, during the last war, sold for $846 apiece, though what
price destruction in taxpayers' money now, I do not know. But whatever it is,
it represents an enormous profit to the manufacturer. The Model A 6-inch
shells I mentioned are sold to the Government for more than $200 each, and
cost less than $15 to make ; and the Model A 5-inch qost about $0.50 to make,
while the Government, that is, the taxpayers, pays $22.50 for each. War is an
excellent business — for some of the people concerned with it.

We are also making 14 periscopes for submarines, each to cost $40,000, and a
miscellaneous assortment of other war equipment, such as : 150 5-inch cannon
(an increase of 25 over last year's order), long and short range; antiaircraft
guns of the rapid-fire type, discharging one-pound shells ; and torpedo caps for
submarines or destroyers.

The munitions workers have a genei'al idea of whither it is all pointing ; and
though they are not friendly to the idea of war — "more of those goddam shells,"

COMMUNIST ACTR^TIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2205

they say — on the other hand, they are not actively against it. They are deplor-
ably apathetic about this important issue, concentrating whatever resentment
they have upon the fact that they are unfairly dealt with in the matter of wa^es.
They are aware of the big profits that the company is making, and see, in contrast,
the smallness of their wages, even though, in comparison with those of the non-
ordnance workers in the mill, they might be considered "good." Here is the
schedule for munitions workers :

Hour

Day

Highly skilled labor

Cents
63

$5. 0 1
4 36

Semiskilled labor

Unskilled labor...

3 24

The w'ork is supposed to be done in a 5-day week, but sometimes there is ai
sixth day, even at times Sunday. For such overtime, however, there are no
overtime rates.

Sometimes there is work which calls for special effort, and for this a bonus
is given. The good old-fashioned method of punishing enemies and rewarding
friends obtains here ; it is the "favorites" who get the opportunities to make the
few extra dollars.

The company discriminates against unionmen. Several men already employed
who tried to form a local of the regular union within its walls were discharged.
Another group of men tried to form an independent union ; these were not dis-
charged, but were given jobs so difficult that they quit of their own accord. One
union, and one only, is tolerated : the company union.

Other than union affiliation, however, there are no bars to employment. They
take on men with all sorts of disabilities : old men, one-eyed men, men minus a
finger or two, young men without experience. The company figures, quite logi-
cally, that these people won't kick against the low wages.

Preparing a Naval War

As I said before, the machinery was so worn out after the War that the Gov-
ernment gave up its right under agreement to take it ; and around 1930 the com-
pany sold it for junk. But before the purchasers removed it orders for muni-
tions started coming in so thick and fast that the company bought it back. But
though it is being used, it really is junk, and the company, finding it inadequate,
is now buying new machines. They have installed thre€ automatic turning lathes
that cost $15,000 each and two threading machines that cost $10,000 each. In
addition, there is a reaming machine that can ream 200 shells per day.

One would have to be blind not to see in all this the preparation for a naval
war. All of these shells are the type used in attack. And anyone in sympathy
with the world struggle for peace must be dismayed at this inside view of what is
going on. Before I came to this job I worked in a shipyard, and I saw there,
too, how everything is planned with a view to ready conversion for war purposes
when needed.

Antiwar Education Needed

I think that as many people as possible should be made aware of all that is
being prepared for them. I think they ought to be warned not to be taken in
by the next batch of slogans dished out to them, and not to let the warmaker^
put over the idea that it is some sudden and unforeseen crisis like the sinking
of a Lvsitania that causes entrance into war. I think they ought to know that
preparations for war, far beyond the needs for defense, are going on heavily in
times of peace.

But this is not enough. There is work to be done — intensive work — among
the steel-mill workers themselves. If they are dissatisfied with their wages,
they must be educated to know that only strong collective action, such as is
possible only through a noncompany union, is their one hope of betterment. The
labor unions must get busy in the munitions shops, must organize the workers
and force recognition from the companies.

There is other educational work to be done among the munition workers, work
that delivers a special challenge to organizations like the American League
Against War and Fascism. The men must be made to understand what are the

2206 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

real causes of war, how war favors only the interests of their employers and
all other munitions manufacturers, how cheaply life is held in comparison with
financial interests. They must be made to see what is their place, as men and
as workers, ^n the war situation that is threatening us. It is up to the American
League Against War and Fascism to see that these things are made clear to
them. Nowhere is it more important for the League to send its organizers than
among these men in whose hands lies so much power to aid or cripple war. And
it is only through an unvarnished knowledge of what war is really about that
they can be expected rightly to make their choice.

Mr. Clakdy. I might suggest, Witness, that it is possible, is it not,
that this name is no more nor less than an alias and that the person who
actually wrote it may have received information from some spy or
some Communist planted on the inside rather than having the infor-
mation directly himself.

Mr. Johnson. That is true. That may be an alias, and whoever
the individual is who wrote it, it shows that he is not just an ordinary
worker in a munitions plant, because an ordinary worker would not
have that type of information available. He is either in a key sensi-
tive spot in that plant, or he has an organization inside amassing and
accumulating the information for such an article as that.

Mr. Clardy. Of course there is still another possibility that just
occurred to me. It is possible that the information could have come
out of Government files, too, through some subterranean source ; is it
not?

Mr. Johnson. I do not think so, because in that article he poses as a
munitions worker in a plant.

Mr. Clardy. He may pose as that, but the facts he has about pro-
duction and schedules and quantities and the other things you men-
tion, and which I find in the article, are obviously things that would
be embodied in contracts and in correspondence and in other data that
would be available from the Government angle. I am just wonder-
ing out loud if it is not possible that this nvdj be a compilation of
information received from both Government sources and from the
manufacturer sources and maybe from out in the plant, from a number
of them.

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; that is true, quite possible.

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, was the program of the American
League Against War and Fascism, which later changed its name to the
American League for Peace and Democracy, actually promulgated by
the Communist Party ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; it was.

Mr. KuNziG. Would you tell us how you knew that, sir?

Mr. Johnson. I know that it was promoted by the Communist
Party because I sat in the higher circles of the Communist Party at
the time when the formation of the organization was discussed, when
its program was worked out by the political bureau of the Commu-
ninst Party of the United States and presented to the first congress
against war in the city of New York and approved by all the dele-
gates present at that first congress.

Mr. Clardy. What you mean is, you are talking about things you
know at first hand and of your own knowledge ?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. I was a participant in it, not only
as a party member, but also as a delegate to the first congress of the
American League Against War and Fascism.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2207

(Representative James B. Frazier, Jr., entered the hearing room
at this point.)

Mr. KuNziG. Do you have any further specific examples of what
yon are telling us this morning. Mr. Johnson?

Mr. JoiiNsox. Yes. I would like to oiler for the consideration of
the committee the minutes of the Chicago Anti-War and Anti-Fascist
Congress.

Mr. KiTNZTo. What date?

Mr. JoHxsox. The magazine is dated Xovemher 1934.
IVIr. (^LARDY. What is the magazine?

Mr. JoHxsox. The magazine Fight, in which as far back as 1934
this fi-ont was used to infiltrate our Armed Forces, and actually had
representatives of the Armed Forces both in our National Guard and
also in our Regular Army, and that they participated in this congress
in Chicago at which Dr. Harry F. Ward presided and in which a
number of members of our clergy participated.

Mr. Clardy. Pause a moment. You said that members of the
Armed Forces were involved directly.

Mr. JoHxsox. Yes, sir ; they were. I was present at that congi-ess
in Chicago when these representatives of the National Guard and the
United States Army appeared. They were brought up to the con-
vention hall in cars and brought in through a rear entrance, and
they wore masks over their faces, though they were in full dress
uniform, and after they had made their speeches to the congress,
they were hurriedly taken out of the hall and sped away in cars,
so that the Government authorities could not discover their identity.

Special precautions were taken to prevent anyone from getting
close to them except those who were authorized to bring them to and
take them from the congress hall.

Mr. Clardy. These things you saw with your own eyes ?

Mr. JoHXSOx. Yes, I did, because I was a delegate to the Chicago
congress, and tliat was one of the national programs of the league,
the infiltration of the Armed Forces, and this is what these ministers
subscribed to.

IVIr. Doyle. How do you knoAv they were members of the Armed
Forces ?

Mr. JoHxsox. They were introduced by Dr. Hari-y F. Ward, first,
and secondly, they were dressed in the full regalia of men in the armed
services.

Mr. Doyle. If they wore masks

Mr. Joiixsox. That was to conceal their faces.

JN'Ir. Doyle. Were the masks black or white or red or what color?

Mr. JoHxsox. I do not remember the color of the masks at this
particular time, but I know they wore them.

Mr. Doyle. What sort of masks were they ?

Mr. JoHxsox. Masks that covered their faces.

Mr. Doyle. Entirely, or were they hoods ?

Mr. JoHxsoN. They were partial masks.

Mr. Doyle. What do you mean by "partial masks"?

Mr. JoHxsox. Well, a hood goes all the way over the head, falling
over the shoulder.

Mr. Doyle. Did all of them have masks?

Mr. JoHxsox. Yes, those that spoke.

2208 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE NEW YORK AREA

Mr. Doyle. Were they all the same color ?

Mr. Johnson. I do not know the colors.

Mr. Doyle. Were they all the same color?

Mr. Johnson. You mean the masks ?

Mr. Doyle. Yes.

Mr. Johnson. That is a detail I do not remember.

Mr. Doyle. A rather important detail; is it not? Of course, it
was many years ago. You could not be expected to remember every-
thing. Did any of them appear on the platform that did not wear
masks ?

Mr. Johnson. No, none of them appeared on the platform that
did not.

Mr. Doyle. How many of them were there ?

Mr. Johnson. There were a couple of them there.

Mr. Doyle. How many of them?

Mr. Johnson. There were several of them.

Mr. Doyle. How many of them?

Mr. Johnson. There were only

Mr. Doyle. Wliat do you mean by "several"? The reason I am
asking you this way, sir, is that you have made, I think, a very impor-
tant statement. I am deliberately examining you to see the extent to
which you remember what did happen for our record.

Mr. Clardy. What the Congressman wants to know is, were there
2 or 3 or half a dozen.

Mr. Johnson. Well, they had a representative from the National
Guard who was introduced to the congress by Dr. Harry F. Ward.
This representative of the National Guard stated that he came as a
]-epresentative of a group of guardsmen from four divisions of the
National Guard of the United States, bringing greetings, and he said
that he was carrying on work among the National Guard against
fascism by organizing antistrikebreaking groups, and then he pledged
to carry out all the decisions of the congress.

After he made this speech there was tremendous applause, and Dr.
Harry F. Ward asked that the speaker not be held up by prolonged
applause, and then after that they introduced

Mr. Frazier. Wait right there. You say this man had on a uni-
form. Was it the uniform of an enlisted man or of a commissioned
officer ?

Mr. Thompson. He had the uniform of an enlisted man.

Mr. Frazier. All right.

Mr. KuNziG. To keep the record straight, what congress is this we
are talking about ?

Mr. Johnson. The congress of the American League Against War
and Fascism held in Chicago.

Mr. Doyle. May I ask this, was this man in uniform a Negro, or do
3^ou not know ? I mean, don't you remember ?

Mr. Johnson. My best recollection is that he was white.

Mr. Doyle. Well, what State National Guard did he represent ?

Mr. Johnson. They did not state what particular National Guard.
He said he represented four divisions of the National Guard. Now,
which ones he did not state specifically.

Mr. Doyle. How many others spoke claiming that they were speak-
ing for National Guards ?

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2209

Mr. JoHNSOisr. Well, he was the only one who spoke for this group
in the National Guard. The other spoke as a lieutenant in the Regular
Army.

Mr. DoTLE. Was he a Negro or what?

Mr. Johnson. He was white.

Mr. Doyle. Did he wear a mask, too?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, he wore a nuisk.

j\[r. Doyle. What uniform?

Mr. Johnson. He wore a uniform.

Mr. Doyle. Of what?

Mr. Johnson. Regular United States Army uniform.

]Mr. Doyle. How did you identify him as a lieutenant ?

Mr. Johnson. I not only identified him by his uniform, but he was
identified by Harry F. Ward as a lieutenant in the Regular Army, and
he was so identified in the minutes of the Chicago congress as a lieuten-
ant in the United States Army.

Mr. Doyle. Now that is two men that spoke. How many others ?

Mr. FR.VZIER. They did not give his name at any time?

Mr. Johnson. They did not give his name. They were very careful
to conceal the identity, the race, and the nationality of the persons
who spoke.

JNIr. Doyle. That was two men you have mentioned speaking. Are
there any others ?

Mr. Johnson. Well, I wish first to mention the testimony, the
speech of this lieutenant.

Mr. Doyle. Can you just answer 1 or 2 more questions, and that will
give me the picture of the kind of a scene you were in. That is what I
am getting at.

Mr. Clakdy. I agree with you. May I interrupt to point out that
this was reported, however, in the magazine called Fight afterward,
so that they have here something we are going to put in the record
in the form of an exhibit.

Go ahead.

Mr. Doyle. How many? Were there more tlian two that spoke?

Mr. Johnson. There were only two who spoke.

Mr. Clardy. You mean two from the services ?

Mr. Johnson. Two from the services.

As far as the military men were concerned, I do not know if there
were more military men present in the hall or not. I only know of
those that were presented to us and introduced to us as speakers for
the group, both in the Army and in the National Guard.

Mr. Clardy. You mean by that, they may have been present either
in or out of uniform in the audience, but you do not know about it?

Mr. Johnson. No ; that is correct.

Mr. Doyle. Then these two are the only people that came up in
automobiles and entered the back door and left the same way ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes. I wouldn't say that they were the only ones, but
they were the only ones that I knew of personally.

Mr. Doyle. How many automobiles brought the two?

Mr. Johnson. Well, I understand that there was more than one
automobile because this matter was discussed with us in the Communist
Party fraction, though I was not an actual participant in the arrange-
ments for the bringing in of the military men and their taking them
away, but in the fraction that was held it was discussed that every

2210 CO]\IMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

precaution must be taken to safeguard the identity of these members
of the Armed Forces and that these arrangements were actually made
and actually carried out. After this meeting I discussed the matter
with some of the others who were present, members of the Chicago
district of the Communist Party, ajid they said to me that they had
carried out those plans successfully and boasted of the fact that they
were able to keep their identity from the FBI and other interested
agents.

Mr. Doyle. Well, thank you for answering.

Mr. Clardy. Do you have the magazine you wish to have marked,
Mr. Counsel?

Mr. KuNziG. Yes, Mr. Chairman.

Mr. Clardy. Give me the date again on that magazine.

Mr. KuNziG. The date is November 1934.

I have here the document containing 2 or 3 paragraphs of material
which I believe are important for this record, Mr. Chairman, and
T request that this material be incorporaetd into the record at this
point.

Mr. Clardy. Miss Reporter, will you copy exactly the part marked,
and instead of offering this as an exhibit,' Counsel, I think we will
shorten the record by having just the pertinent portion from this 1934
document copied in the record at this point.

(The material referred to is as follows :)

[From Fight magazine, March 1934]

National Guard

(By a member of the 212th Coast Artillery Antiaircraft)

With more than ordinary interest many of ii.s in the National Guard are
watching the intensified war preparations. This is evidenced by the increased
discussions among the men about the events in the Far East and in Europe.

(Picture captioned: "National Guard Machine Gun Unit Pointing the Deadlv
End of a Machine Gun During the Recent Strike in the Bituminous Area of
Pennsylvania.")

Battery and company rooms, before and after drill, are turned into forums.
Each squad of enlisted men, in the degree of its political development dis-
cusses the coming war interestedly. In the viewpoints expressed I have noticed
that many are anxious for war, but a great majority, mainly the unemployed
and the factory workers, are fundamentally opposed.

In such a specializ-d arm of the Army as the 212th Coast Artillery Anti-
aircraft Regiment, preparations for war are noticeable. This regiment' which
will form the basis, in time of war, for the training of thousands of gunners
among^ the dratted civilians, is bPing constantly perfected for aerial com-
bat. Though ostensibly for protecting ammunition dumps, aviation bases, and
strategic positions, developing motorization is pointing to the use of this regi-
ment as an arm of attack. Mounted on trucks with a speed averaging seventy-
five miles an liour, and at lower speeds doing rapid artillery fire, the regiment at-
tains great mobility and firing accuracy. The antiaircraft guns have been
synchronized with sound apparatus and equipped with searchlights capable of
throwing a hundred-mile beam. Actual war maneuvers every year at the
camp in Oswego, New York, which every man must attend even at the risk of
losing his job, demonstrate the developing eflSciency.

FASCIST PROPAGANDA

Moving pictures are used now to interest the men in scientific warfare.
Prizes are awarded for gun efficiency. Prowar pep talks are dished out at
every opportunity by the officers. An officer caste is building a military discipline
on lines similar to the German Imperial Army. Court-martials are on the in-

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2211

crease, with heavy lines for even mi nor offense's the general rule. Mere boys
are bein^ hurriedly enlisted and trained. In the new butch of recruits 17 is
the average a.ue. Radically incliir.'d soldiers are inunediately discharged.
Fascism is encouraged, many of the officers being leaders in Italian and German
Fascist organizations.

The men are not accepting this state of nffairs docilely. In camp, strikes
against poor l«:<id break out with great frequency. With great coui'age and
militancy the enlisted men organize and expose the corrupt grafting practices of
the officers who come back from camp evei*y year much richer than they
went. Many of the mutinous leaders, for these struggles are called "mutinies,"
are marked already for tlie firing squad when war is declared. The pay for
drill, originally one dollar, is about lifty cents now. 'faxes and assessments
re'luce this still more. The resentment against the pay cut is mounting and
talks of strike are constantly lieard in the company rooms.

REACH THE NATIONAL GUARD

The National Guardsman knows that he is the first to be called in time of
War. He is also conscious of the fact now, that he is used in breaking strikes.
Many are being enlisted and trained in Fascist gangs. However, anti-War and
anti-Fascist proijaganda, when it reaches him, falls on particularly fertile
ground. Special attention must be paid to reaching the National Guardsmen,
In New York there are twenty-six thousand of them. In almost every state
there are many regiments of these soldiers. Before Roosevelt was elected Presi-
dent, Congress appropriated 300 million dollars for the Guard. Now this
amount has increased tremendously. Exact information is rarely printed in
the press. The New York National Guardsman, an official organ of the War
Department which is distributed without charge among the men, is the pros-
titute press of the American warmongers.

Anti-War publications and literature must reac'i the National Guardsmen.
In the armories and in the homes of the men and ia their shops there must be
a ceaseless barrage of political education. The National Guardsman is a po-
tential Anti-War and Anti-Fascist fiehter.

('Fi^ht magazine, November 1934:)

A Representative From the National Guard. As a representative of a group
of Guardsmen from four divisions of the National Guard of the United States,
I bring you greetings. [Applause.] We are carrying on work among the Na-
tional Guard against Fascism by organizing anti-strikebreaking groups. We
pledge our full support to carry out all the decisions of this Congress.
[Applause and Cheering.]

Chairman Ward. Please don't delay this part of the program by prolonged
applause. We are now to hear from a first lieutenant of the regular United
States Army.

First Lieutenant, U. S. Army. The troops of this area have just completed
in Camp Custer, Michigan, War maneuvers on a larger scale than since the
last AVar. The reserve officers of this area have worked out all the details of
their mobilization plans, while training has been intensified here. For the
machines of destruction the capitalist pay dearly, but to the general staff, the
lives of the workers are cheap. Our participation in this Congress is our mili-
tant answer to these preparations. [Great Applause and Demonstration.]

Mr. KuNziG. Have you any further explicit examples, Mr.
Johnson ?

Mr, Johnson, Yes,

Mr, Clardt, Before you pass to that, I think it important to ask a
few questions about the significance of this.

As I understand it, Dr, Harry Ward was presiding and carrying
on the program at this meeting. Am I correct in that ?

Mr, Johnson, That is correct.

Mr, Clakdy, What part did he play behind the scenes in setting
up the agenda for the meeting ?

33909 — .5.3 — pt. 8 2

2212 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Mr. Johnson. He met with the top leadership in the Communist
Party fraction prior to the opening of the congress, at which time all
of the final technical arrangements were made insofar as this matter
was concerned.

Mr. Clardy. You have identified him in this record prior to this time
as a member of the party. Is there any possibility that at the time
these arrangements were being made in advance of the meeting — was
there any possibility that he did not know this was a Communist
projects

Mr. Johnson. It was utterly impossible for him not to know because
it was discussed with him in advance prior to their coming. He, as
chairman of the congi'ess, had to be informed with regard to all of
these actions prior to them.

Mr. Clardy. Was he, to your knowledge, acquainted with the others
on this sort of steering committee or arrangements committee?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, he was; he was so informed by Earl Browder
and others of this particular action itself.

Mr. Clardy. Were those people with whom he had some personal
acquaintance so that he would naturally know that they were Com-
munists ?

Mr, Johnson. Yes ; because Earl Browder and Dr. Hari-y F. Ward
belonged to the same party and the same Communist Party fraction
within the American League Against War and Fascism.

Mr. Clardy. So that there could be no possible doubt about the fact
that Dr. Ward knew that he was promoting and helping along a Com-
munist-inspired meeting ?

Mr. Johnson. That is right. There is no doubt about that.

Mr. Doyle. What year was this?

Mr. Johnson. That was in 1934 in Chicago when the convention was
held — when the congress was held.

Mr. Clardy. Witness, in the New York hearing you introduced or
presented to us a list of ministers who were active in this league, in
this movement.

Would you say that the ministers on that list were also interested
in the promotion and carrying on of this particular meeting?

Mr. Johnson. I would say that all of them were interested in pro-
moting the progi'am — the program of the American League Against
War and Fascism and the American League for Peace and Democracy.

^Ir. Doyle. May I ask right there, as I did not have the benefit
of hearing your testimony in New York, do we have any outline of
the objectives of these two leagues you are talking of, any document
which shows that

Mr. KuNziG. That is all in the record.

Mr. Clardy. Yes, Mr. Doyle; that has been gone into.

Mr. Frazier. Were any of these other ministers that you have listed
in previous testimony present at that congress, to your knowledge?

Mr. Johnson. Some of them were and some of them attended other
congresses. You see, they had other congresses between 1933 and 1939.

Mr. Frazier. Can you tell us which ones were there ?

Mr. Johnson. The list of ministers that I gave covered the entire
period of activity in the Communist front, and I did not identify them
according to congresses or according to years because that would be a
tremendous job, and I as a witness could not do that in the time
allotted.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2213

Mr. Doyle. How many years are in that period ?

Mr. Johnson. That is between 1933 and 1939, the entire life of the
organization.

Mr. Clardy. It is possible, is it not. Witness, that some of the
exhibits already presented in the record will tie certain ministers into
certain meetings so that by caref nl investigation and checking we could
find at least the identity of some of them, even though w^e would not
find it as to all of them ?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct.

Mr. KuNziG. Do you have any further specific examples, Mr.
Johnson ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; I have in my hand an article, Wliat's My Choice,
by Al Hamilton in Fight magazine, March 1935. Al Hamilton is
chairman of Social Action, National Council of Methodist Youth. I
wish to quote only two paragraphs.

Mr. Clardy. Let us read them.

Mr. Doyle. Wliat date is this, and what are you reading from ?

]Mr. Johnson. Fight magazine.

Mr. Doyle. What date ?

Mr. Johnson. The official organ of the American League against
War and Fascism, March 1935.

Mr. Doyle. Where was he when he is said to have said what you
are going to read, or is that an article ?

Mr. Johnson. He was chairman of Social Action, National Council
of Methodist Youth.

Mr. Clardy. "Wliat you are about to read is an article he contributed
to the magazine ?

Mr. Johnson. An article he contributed to the magaz;ine Fight.

Mr. Clardy. All right, proceed.

Mr. Johnson. Al Hamilton states :

For some time certain true spiritual forces of the church and the economic
forces in the present-day society have been moving in opposite directions, and
to the extent that these religious groups move along the road toward a just
economic system, toAvard true democracy of those who produce and toward a war-
less world, by so much will they find themselves coming more and more in direct
opposition with the state. Sincere and intelligent Christians are faced with a
choice, support of the church's struggle for social justice and peace or military
state, speaking for the dominant economic group in a capitalist society.

What does this mean? Perhaps it means that the struggle for freedom and
the struggle for peace must be realized outside the arena of the courts. If the
courts as well as government have become merely the voice of nationalism and
the process of human exploitation existing today, then the realm of constructive
accomplishment appears to be in the field of economic change combined with
organization to hinder and stop the workings of the war machine. If this is
true, the Christian must begin to aid in the organization of workers, students,
and intellectuals for fundamental economic change and for effective action to
stop the functioning of the totalitarian state. Thus the Christian today must
choose between the conscientious loyalty to the best in society, loyalty to those
who will pay the price of another war, the workers, the students and professionals
or subjection to the will of the state that has become merely the expression of
the profit system, unable to maintain itself except by war.

Mr. Clardy. Let us suspend the hearing until we have reported to
the floor.^

(Whereupon, at 11 : 38 a. m., the hearing recessed until 1 : 30 p. m.
of the same day.)

1 Floor of the U. S. House of Representatives.

2214 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

AFTERNOON SESSION

(At the hour of 1 : 30 p. m., of the same day, the proceedings were
resumed, Representatives Kit Clardy (presiding) and Clyde Doyle
being present.)

Mr. Clardy. The hearing will resume.

Are you ready, Mr. Counsel ?

Mr. KuNziG. Yes, sir.

Mr. Clardy. Proceed.

TESTIMONY OF MANNING JOHNSON— Resumed

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, from your personal experience, and I
would like to emphasize for you to the best of your ability to keep your
testimony to your personal experience, what are the methods of in-
filtration and subversion in the religious organizations used by the
Communist's ?

Mr. Johnson, Well, I can best answer that by calling your atten-
tion to an article published in the magazine International Youth, the
official organ of the executive committee of the Young Communist
International, with headquarters in Moscow. The article was written
by Gilbert Green. Gilbert Green was for years a member of the
national committee of the Young Communist League of the United
States; he was a member of the Young Communist International
Executive Committee; he was one of the officials of the American
Youth Congress ; he was a member of the central committee or national
committee of the Communist Party; a member of the Political Bureau
of the Communist Party, and is now a fugitive Communist wanted by
the Federal Government for violation of the Smith Act.

Mr. KuNziG. He was one of the original men tried in the first Com-
munist trial known as the Medina trial, is that correct?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct.

Mr. Clardy. He is one of the original 12, which is now reduced to
and is known as the 11 ?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct.

Mr. KuNziG. Well, would you give the general content of this
article, then, to the subcommittee, Mr. Johnson, and as you do that
would you fix the date of the article that you refer to ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I will. The date of this article is in 1935, and the
reason why I call this to your attention is that the major plot to take
over the religious organizations was really hatched during that par-
ticular period, and the fact tliat the Communists in headlines in the
Daily Worker can boast of 2,300 Protestant ministers supporting them
is the result of this part that began back in the thirties when I was a
member of the Communist Party.

Mr. KuNziG. Twenty-three hundred people supporting them in
what?

Mr. Johnson. Twenty-three hundred clergymen have talks with
Eisenhower for clemency for the Rosenbergs.

Mr. Clardy. That refers, does it not, to a petition or a series of
petitions that were circulated in which it is alleged that the 2,300 joined
in seeking clemency for the Rosenbergs ?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2215

Mr. KuNziG. JNIr. Chairman, I have a photostatic copy of the front
page of the Daily Worker from Tuesday, Fobniary 17, 195?>, in my
hand. It is marked "]\rannin<r Johnson Exhibit No. 19," and I should
like to offer this into evidence at this time.

Mr. Clardy. It will be received.

(The photostatic coi)y of the front paj^e of the Daily Worker, Tues-
day, February 17, 195;5, ])reviously marked "Manning Johnson Ex-
hibit 19"" for identification was received in evidence as Manning
Johnson exhibit No. 19.)

Manning Johnson ExHiBrr No. 19

(Daily Worker, February 17, 1953, pp. 1 and G)

Twenty-three Hundred Clergymen Ask Talks With Eisenhower

DEIATH date SET FOR WEEK OP MARCH 9

(By Carl Hirsoh)

Chicago, February 16.— Spokesmen for 2,300 clergymen who have sent a special
plea to President Eisenhower to reconsider the appeal for clemency in the Rosen-
berg case today awaited a reply from the White House on their request to speak
to the President personally on the case. Dr. Bernard M. Loonier, dean of the
University of Chicago Divinity School, forwarded the new appeal to Eisen-
hower which "earnestly questions the political and spiritual wisdom of the
sentence" of death against Julius and Ethel Rosenberg.

A group of leading churchmen who signed the appeal are ready to go to Wash-
ington at a moment's notice, said Dean Loonier.

Following is the text of the letter signed by Dean Loomer which Eisenhower
received yesterday :

"I urge you to reconsider your refusal to commute the death sentence of Julius
and Ethel Rosenberg.

"Together with nearly 2,300 other clergymen, I signed a letter asking for
■ executive clemencJ^ We assume that our letter is included in the material pre-
pared for your attention by the Justice Department.

"Our unaffiliated group represents an important segment of the Christian clergy
of this country. Among us are members of 28 communions and citizens of all
48 States, the District of Columl)ia, the Territories of Alaska, Hawaii, and the
Canal Zone and the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico.

"Many of the signers are spiritual and executive leaders in their respective
denominations. Included are presidents, deans and professors of numerous
theological schools and colleges and important members of interdenominational
organizations. All of us, as pastors, are in intimate touch with our people; it is
fair to conclude that our opposition to the death sentence is shared by a much
larger number of conservative and thoughtful citizens.

"It is difficult in a short letter to convey adequately the sense of the considera-
tions which led us to make our original appeal. Certainly one major considera-
tion is the fact that the Rosenberg case has become an occasion that catches up
within itself all kinds of attitudes, forces, and movements which are operating
within our society.

"For this reason, we suggest that the Rosenberg case cannot be looked at
simply in terms of itself. For this reason, the death sentence in this instance is
an indication of our national weakness rather than our national strength. It is
a reflection of our own growing hysteria, fear and insecurity.

"When looked at in this symbolic way, the death sentence itself further reduces
the range of our freedom to think and act. It contributes to a paralysis of critical
thought; It furthers the mood of suppression that becomes increasingly charac-
teristic of our way of life.

"We are not questioning the justice of the trial, but we earnestly question the
political and spiritual wisdom of the sentence.

"Surely we as a country are strong enough to endure the kind of tension in-
volved in the Rosenberg case.

"Since this is an inadequate summary of our views, I respectfully ask on behalf
•of all of the signers that you grant an appointment at which some of our number

2216 COIVIMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

can present to you personally the considerations which moved us to join in a
common plea for mercy."

Mr. Doyle. I suggest to the witness that you give us the month and
the date and the vohnne or the number of that magazine. You said
in 1935, but you have, apparentlj^, the magazine in your hands. What
is the montli ?

Mr. Johnson. This International Youth, vohnne 2, March 1935,
No. 1.

Mr. Clardy. Now, witness, may I interrupt you just a minute here,
because it can't be too definite in this record when we are talking about
something as serious and as deadly as this.

I note tliat in the article which has now been put in the record and
marked "Exhibit 19," it mentions a Dr. Bernard Loomer, L-o-o-m-e-r,
as dean of the University of Chicago Divinity School, and it makes
it appear that Dr. Loomer had been speaking for the entire 2,300.

Mr. Johnson. That is correct.

Mr. Clardy. Now, my question is, do you have any knowledge of
or about Dr. Loomer ?

Mr. Johnson. I pereonally do not know him as a member of the
Communist Party during the period of my membership.

Mr. Clardy. But I note that he is the one quoted as having acted
as the spokesman for the group. I wonder if you can tell me some-
thing about how these things are worked or operated, because he says
here, and I am quoting from it, "Together — " and I am quoting his
words —

Together with nearly 2,300 other clergymen, I signed a letter asking for
executive clemency.

Now, that is the end of the quote.

Mr. KuNziG. That is as regards the Rosenbergs.

Mr. Clardy. That is right, what we are talking about.

Now, is that the normal and standard procedure they use, to get the
clergyman to sign individual letters, or maybe several of them sign
1 letter and put them in their files and have 1 spokesman step forward
and speak for all of them ?

]Mr. Johnson, It is customary for them to solicit the opinion of
clergymen all over the country and get them to subscribe to such a
petition, and on the strength of their agreement, their names are
recorded as supporting the specific action. That is how they have
always over the years gotten their sponsors and their advocates.

Mr. Clardy. Dr. Bella Dodd, Avhen appearing before us, told us at
some length about hoAV this mechanism was built up and put into
operation, and as she described it, they built up what counsel described
this morning as a sucker list of clergymen and others of good repute
about the Nation who could be easily inveigled into signing a thing
of this kind. Would you say that is an accurate description of the
way it actually worked ?

Mr. Johnson. That is an accurate description of how this works.
They approach every person that they have had at one time or another
on various Communist-front organizations and present the proposi-
tion to them and get their agreement. You will find if you check
the records of the Congressional Un-American Activities Committee,
(here are listed the numerous fronts over the period of years that the
Communist Party has formed and operated which Lenin called the

COMMUNIST ACTR^TIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2217

solar system of organizations, including the names of many clerg}^men
who liave at one time or another been on Communist-front lists.

Mr. Doyle. I noticed this, that as the witness mentioned the name
of Dr. Loomer, he specified that he did not know him as a Communist.
Do you remember doing that ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes; 1 said during the period of my membership.

IMr. Doyle. All right. Now, I want to urge that as far as I am
concerned on the committee, I want you to be \evj careful never to
name a person as a Communist unless you are willing under oath to
be able to prove it. In other words, I think that every person named
as a Communist by a M'itness, whether it is you or any other witness,
ought never to be mentioned as a Communist unless the witness per-
sonally knows that, and therefore I want to compliment you on testi-
fying that you never knew that man, whom I have never heard of
before because you sj^ecified that you did not know him as a Commu-
nist. I want to compliment you on doing that, and I hope that in all
your testimony if you do not know a man to be a Communist, you
will specify him as not a Communist to your own personal knowl-
edge. The other thing is this, though: I want to ask along the line
of your statement about the Daily Worker

Mr. Clardy. May 1 interrupt you to add something to what you
said ?

Mr. Doyle. Yes, indeed.

Mr. Clardy. It was because the witness did not even mention the
doctor, except by indirection by pushing that exhibit 19 in front of
us, that I was impelled to ask him if he knew him, because I did not
want even the exhibit to reflect the name of someone as a Communist,
as it conceivably might, if the witness in fact did not know that he
was such, so that is why I asked him the question, and he very fairly
said he did not.

]\Ir. Doyle. That is very good, and I wanted to emphasize that I
thought it was good that you specified.

Now, as to whether or not these alleged 2,300 other clergymen which
this Dr. Loomer refers to — did they sign anything to your personal
knowledge ^

Mr. Johnson. Not according to my personal knowledge, because
I was not a member of that organization. I was only speaking of the
fact that in the Daily Woiker they had mentioned 2,300 clergymen,
and I think it is of concern to the American people if it is true that the
Connnunists have 2,300 of our clergy who administer to the souls of
men daily in our churches.

Mr. Clardy. Witness, referring again to exhibit 19, as I understand
it, this is no more nor less than a page or a copy, photostatic copy, of
the Daily Worker for February 17 of this year. You are not here
contending that you know whether or not there are 2.300 clergymen
who actually signed the petition ?

Mr. Johnson. No ; I am not making such a claim.

]Mr. Clardy. You are not here making any claim that you know
whether any one or all of the 2,300 are members of the Communist
Party?

Mr. Johnson. I am not making such a claim.

INIr. Clardy. All you are contending or setting forth is the fact
that the Daily Worker claims that 2,300 ministers signed the peti-
tion of clemency for the Rosenbergs, am I right ?

2218 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Mr. Johnson". That is correct.

Mr. Clardy. And that if these 2,300 did sign it, and it can be
shown that they did sign it, the most that it would establish would
be that the Communist F'arty may have either directly or indirectly
induced that many to do something.

Mr. Johnson. That is right.

Mr. Doyle. You used the term "minister."

Mr. Clardy. I should have said

Mr. Doyle. The minister may be entirely different from a clergy-
man.

Mr. Clardy. In my book a minister covers the ganuit, and so there
be no misunderstandings, I meant all the faiths.

Mr. Doyle. All right. Of course, of your own knowledge, in view
of your answer, you do not know whether or not any of these clergy-
men are members of faiths other tlian Protestant, do you?

Mr. Johnson. I do not know what denominations they are because
I have not seen the list. I am merely stating that on the basis of my
knowledge and experience wliile in the Communist Party the Com-
munist Party made serious efforts to enlist clergymen in their activi-
ties to give it a cloak of religious respectability, and that this con-
spiracy began not yesterday, but a number of years ago, and over the
course of years they have made deeper and deeper inroads in the re-
ligious field that I am reluctant to discount the possibility of them
actually having 2,300 clergymen.

Mr. DoYixE. When they solicit these men who are clergymen do
they do it by mail ? For instance, would they have some representa-
tive of the Communist Party or the Daily Worker solicit these people
in the different cities personally and submit a written form or some-
thing to them, or would they write them a letter and say that here is
a sample of a petition? How would they function? Because pre-
sumably those 2,300 or any number would be in different parts of the
country.

Mr. Johnson. When I was a member of the Communist Party and
a front organization was formed by the Communist Party, the polit-
bureau organized a subcommittee to be responsible for getting a list
of sponsors. They were approached individually by telephone con-
versation, and some by correspondence, and on the strength of their
reply their names were put on a list of sponsors of a given front
organization.

Mr. Clardy. Would it be fair to say that it was not necessarily
true that they recruited those people into the party, but merely used
them for the purpose of some particular petition or action that was
under way ?

Mr. Johnson. They used them to give a respectable front to the
particular activity in which the Communist Party wished to engage
at that particular time.

Mr. Doyle. Then as I understood your answer a minute ago, part
of their procedure would be that they would appoint a committee in
a big city like Los Angeles, Boston, San Francisco, or New York,
who would personally interview a clergyman, either directly face
to face or over the telephone, and submit the subject matter of whether
or not he would approve a petition for clemency to the President in-
volving the Rosenbergs, and then this committee would report what-

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2219

ever they felt they slioiild report after having a converation with this
given clergyman, is tliat right?

Mr. Johnson. Well, I would put it this way — I would say this, that
the committee would be set up by the political bureau of the Commu-
nist Party to organize a list of sponsors on a national scale. The
Communist Party is a national organization in scope. We are speak-
ing specifically of America. If we want to speak of it in its worldwide
aspect, they can say it is international in scope with its headquarters
in Moscow. Through their agents or through their operatives in
every city througliout the country tliey approach the persons that
they want on these different front organizations, and when they have
compiled the complete list, then it is put on letterheads or other propa-
ganda material and circulated.

These lists of sponsors give the Communist- front organization a
cloak of respectability. The more ministers they get on it, the more
respectable it is because the majority of the American people believe
in Cuod. They believe in the church, and when a member of the church
endorses an organization or a movement, the people are susceptible to
believe in it.

Mr. Doyle. Of course I do not mean to interrupt you, but we do not
need any argument to agree with you on that. We will stipulate to
that, but what I am trying to get at. Witness, is the method by which
the clerg3^men in the country are solicited. In other words, they
would be solicited, then, by representatives of the Communist Party
or Communist fronts orally, would they not?

The other way would be by correspondence.

Mr. Johnson. Through correspondence and through contact with
sympathizers and fellow travelers and party members among the
clergymen.

Mr. Doyle. Well, that helps me understand.

Mr. Clardy. Bella Dodd testified, if you remember, Congressman
Doyle, that after they once had a man go along with one of these
petitions or some other movement, they put him on the sucker list, and
thereafter they would usually send him a telegram telling him briefly
what it was they wanted his further support on and relied on getting
a telegram back to

Mr. Doyle. The thing I wanted to know was whether or not in a list
like this it would mean that 2,300 or any hundred would necessarily
have signed anything, and I take it from the witness' testimony that
they need not have actually signed the thing, even a letter, authorizing
the use of their names. It might have been by oral solicitation at the
grassroots.

Mr. Clardy. This particular one, Mr. Doyle, tries to make it appear
that these 2,300 signed a letter of some sort. I think it would be
extremely interesting, therefoie, to find out whether they are accurate
in that statement of whether what I suspect is the truth, that it was the
method you outline.

Mr. Doyle. Thank you very much.

Mr. KuNZiG. Now, Mr. Johnson, sometime ago we started talking
about the factor of a certain document in front of you entitled "Inter-
national of Youth," and we were discussing other matters relative to
that since that time. You were about to discuss what in that docu-
ment showed the methods of infiltration and subversion in religious
organizations by Communists.

2220 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Mr. Johnson. Yes. I want to read just two quotations from an
article by the fugitive Communist, Gilbert Green,
From his article I quote: "Full Speed Ahead."
He states, and I quote :

The second aspect of the problem of achieving working-class leadership over
this broad united-front movement is that of worlv in the present mass organiza-
tions of American youth. We know that the youth workers are not to be found
as yet in the majority in strictly class organizations. The trade unions, unem-
ployed organizations, and cultural workers' organizations as yet include only a
small i^ercentage of the organized young workers. The vast majority of the
American young workers and youth generally are organized, but in organizations
directly or indirectly controlled or influenced by the ruling class. These organi-
zations are the Y's, settlement and community houses, church organizations,
amateur athletic unions, etc. It is precisely in these organizations where we
must work to win the youth for a working-class program and leadership ; not
only the young workers but also the farming and student youth.

The second quotation is :

While in most districts the major problem is to send the bulk of our members
into these organizations of the youth, in some places the problem is to reorganize
the work of our present league so as to give leadership to our comrades already
in these organizations. For example, in the South we have more than 300 mem-
bers who are also members of church youth organizations, especially the Baptist
Young People's Union. In this district (Alabama) the problem confronting the
leadership is to completely change the organizational structui-e of the league.
Where possible we should build shop units and everywhere else units in the
church youth organizations. Wliy? Because in the South, especially for the
Negro youth, the church is the center of all cultural and social activity. It is
here that we must work. By building our units in the church organizations, we
can also improve our work under the legal conditions, as it will be easier to work
in the church organizations. In Alabama there are certain places in which we
can in a short time take over the church organizations of youth under our leader-
ship, and these can become legal covers for our work in the South.

In other words, as far back as 1935 the Communist Party youth
section was forming secret cells in the church organizations, and they
had grown to proportions in this particular section of the country so
that they would be able at any time to take over the church organi-
zations of youth.

Mr. Clardy, Witness, in connection with that, this was dated back
a number of years, as I recall it.

Mr, Johnson, This specific date was March 1935,

Mr, Clardy. You were with the party for about 5 years after that ?

Mr, Johnson. That is right,

Mr, Clardy, Would you say that the predictions that were made
there as to the possibilities actually worked out, or did not work out?

Mr, Johnson, Yes ; they did work out,

Mr, Clardy, Were you sufficiently close to the scene to have some
intimate inside knowledge of how they did work out ?

Mr. Johnson, Yes. On the strength of the reports of Gilbert Green
to the meetings of the national committee with regard to the work
of the Young Communist League in the South, he pointed out that
they met with unusual success in working through the religious youth
organizations in the South.

This success, he stated, was due to the fact that they could use the
church as a cover to carry out the program of national liberation for
the Negro in the South. I might explain that by national liberation
I mean the program of revolt of the Negroes in the South and the

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2221

establishment of an independent Negro republic separate and apart
from the rest of the United States.

Mr, Clardy. Tliere has been some testimony in past years before
the committee on that, as I understand it, and you are probably fa-
miliar Avith that testimony, and j^ou are adding your weight of your
own knowledge to those prior statements that such was actually con-
templated?
Mr. Johnson. That is right.

Mr. Doyle. In answering the chairman a moment ago you re-
peated the testimony of Green. You gave nothing of your own per-
sonal knowledge except that you heard him make certain statements,
and that is only hearsay. What do you know of your ow^n personal
knowledge of any incident or place where the Communist young ])eo-
ple took over a religious organization? That is. I think, what Mr.
Clardy referred to. I am going into that because I want it accurate.
Mr. Johnson. May I state here that when Gilbert Green makes a
report for the National Bureau of the Young Comnninist League to
the enlarged National Executive Committee of the Young Commu-
nist League of x\merica, and when such a report is made in the Inter-
national of Youth which is the official organ of the Young Com-
munist Youth International, this is no longer hearsay. This is an
actual fact, and what is published in here is published for the train-
ing and enlightenment in tactics and methods of work for every
Communist Party leader, not only in America, but throughout the
world.

Mr. Doyle. Grant that, Mr. Johnson. In other words, I will not
grant that whatever the Communist leaders report is factual. You
see, I want to stress to you this: This committee cannot take as a
matter of fact — I mean, an actual existing fact — what Green reports
to a Communist convention. That is only his report.
What we are after is your own personal knowledge.
Now, these documents are valuable, that is true, because they show
methods, and they show processes, and they show what the Communist
Party claims it did. I am not discounting the value of those, Mr.
Clardy, you realize that.
Mr. Clardy. I understand that.

Mr. Doyle. And I do not want the witness to think that I am dis-
counting the value of these documents, because they are very valuable,
but you see, witness, we cannot as a congressional committee just agree
that because Green gives a report that it is actually true.

Mr. Johnson. When the Communists say that they are for the
overthrow of the Government of the United States, you cannot say
that is hearsay ; that they aim to take over a country and Sovietize it,
you cannot say that is hearsay.
Mr. KuNziG. Off the record.
(Discussion off the record.)

Mr. Cl.\rdy. Put it into the record and mark it as "Manning Johnson
Exhibit No. 20," those marked portions of the document now being
tendered and marked on the outside as "Exhibit 20," and what will be
received.

(The marked portion of the document referred to was received in
evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit No. 20.)

2222 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 20

(International of Youth, March 1935, pp. 25 and 26.)

Full Speed Ahead

By Gilbert Green

^ ***** *

Importance of Our Work in Mass Youth Organizations

The second aspect of the problem of achieving working-class leadership over
this broad united-front movement, is that of work in the present mass organiza-
tions of American youth. We know tliat the young workers are not to be found
as yet in the majority in strictly class organizations. The trade unions, unem-
ployed, and cultural workers' organizations as yet include only a small percentage
of the organized young workers. The vast majority of American young workers
and youth generally are organized, but in organizations directly or indirectly
controlled or influenced by the ruling class. These organizations are the Y's,
Settlement and Community Houses, Church Organizations, Amateur Athletic
Union, etc. It is precisely in these organizations where we must work to win
the youth for a working-class program and leadership — not only the young work-
ers, but also the farming and student youth.

Work in these organizations today is a life-and-death question which will
greatly determine the outcome of the whole youth congress movement. Many
of our comrades in the last months have learned to speak in terms of hundreds
of thousands of youth involved in the youth congress movement. But let us not
fool ourselves. Certainly the movement is broad, but these hundreds of thou-
sands of youth do not as yet know about the congress program and are not actively
mobilized to fight for same.

Experience has also taught us that the leaders of these organizations are not
going to draw their memberships into such active participation. And further,
if pressure is put on them to withdraw from the movement, many of them may
even do so. The guarantee that these wide masses will remain in the united
front and actively struggle for its program, depends upon our work in the local
branches of these organizations, how we bring the program of the youth congress
to these members and draw them into struggle for the realization of same.

How prepared are we for this task? In Michigan the Youth Congress repre-
sents oOO.OOU organized youth. In this district our whole Y. C. L. has but 19
members in the mas;^ organizations influenced by the ruling class. Can this
small handful of comrades succeed in mobilizing tJiese masses for the Youth
Congress program despite the position of the leaders of these organizations?

The situation in Detroit is more glaring because of the broad character of the
Youth Congress, but it is essentially the same in all the districts. This makes
necessary a drastic radical reorganization of the fortes of our League. Every
Y. C. L.'er must be active in a mass organisation, arul I speak not of our sympa-
thetic organizations, but of the real miss organizations of American youth.
The slogan put forth at our convention of 20 percent of Y. C. L. members in mass
organizations must be rejected as incorrect. Our slogan and immediate aim must
be : Every Y. C. L.'er active in a mass organization.

This slogan demands boldness and decisiveness on our part. In the ne.xt few
weeks we must go over our League section by section, and unit by imit, sending
our members into the most important youth organisations. Here too, we must
not alone send individual comrades into mass orjranizations, but whole street
units. The creation of units in these mass organizations is far more important
for us than street units. For it is in these oi'ganizations where we come in
contact with large masses of youth. The unit in the mass oi-ganization is only
second in importance to the shop unit, and hundreds of our present street units
must be transformed into units in these most important organizations.

While in most districts the major problem is to send the bulk of our members
Into these orgnni:^ations of the youth, in smne places the problem is to reorganize
the work of our present League so as to give leadership to our comrades already
in these organizations. For example, in the South we have more than 300
members who are also members of church youth organizations — especially the
Baptist Young Peoples Union. In this district (Alobama) the problem confront-
ing the leadership is to completely change the organization structure of the
League. Where possible, we should build shop unit.'? and everywhere else units
in the church youth organizations. Why? Because in the' South, especially for

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2223

the Negro youth, the church is the center of all cultural and social activity. It
is here that we must worlc. By building our units in the church organizations
we can also improve our work under the illegal conditions, as it will he easier to
worli In the church organizations. In Alahuma tlu're are certain places in wliich
we can in a short while take over the church oig;inizations of youth under our
leadership, and these can hecome legal covers for our work in the South.

However, our League in the North is not like tliat in the South. In most
districts the prohlem of work in the mass orgainzations will be more difficult.
We will have to teach many of our comi'ades how to work in these organizations.
There is a big diffor(>nce between work in the street and work in a mass organiza-
tion. On the street, comrades put up a soapbox and speak to the workers. Those
who are interested listen. Others who are not, go away. Sometimes our com-
rades get away with making general rah-rah speeches. But in the mass organiza-
tions rah-iah speeches will not go. Our comrades will have to learn how to
speak simi)ly and to the point. They will have to learn how to answer the
argtiments of skilled, trained leaders, many of whom have had years and years
of experience in miseducating youth.

We have already seen sectarian tendencies to solve this problem by creating
' inside these organizations narrow discussion groups or clubs of sympathizers.
Among these our conu-ades feel at home and at the same time ease their conscience
in the belief that this constitutes work in these organizations. We must fight
against the creation of these narrow groups. Our comrades must attend the
lectures and activities of the whole organization. They must be where the
majority of youth are and not isolated from them. We have an advantage today
that we did not have at the time of our Convention. Our Comrades can enter
any settlement house or "Y" and speak to the youth on the basis of the program
of the American Youth Congress. Around this broad program our comrades
can educate the youth, set up committees for the Youth Congress, and draw the
most advanced youth into the Y. C. L.

Our work in these Settlement Houses, "Y's" and Church organizations must
result in rapid recruitment for the Y. C. L. This is of great importance not alone
because we must numerically strengthen our League, but because exi)erience
shows tliat the comrades we now send into these organizations will, in most
cases, not become the recognized leaders of these youth for some time to come —
and some of them not at all. These comrades we send in can immediately make
friends, can develop influence, can recruit, but to become the leaders of these youth
we need something more.

In New York, for example, most of the youth who are today active in Settle-
ment Houses have been active in these for many years. They entered when they
were children and graduated from one group to another, and in the course of
years became known to thousands of children and youth. We cannot expect that
a comrade we send in to a House for the first time should immediately become
known to all youth and accepted by them as a leader. That is why by re-
cruiting from the youth in these Houses we will get for our League, a new
type of Y. C. Ler — one who is known in his organization, who grew up with it
and is accepted as one of the fellows. It is from these new recruits that our
leadership for these organizations will come. This does not mean that our
comrades who go into these organizations should enter with an exaggerated idea
of their difficulties. Experience has already proven how easily otir comrades
can recruit and build the League if they work correctly. Just a few examples :
In the Bronx House in New York we had two or three comrades. In a few
weeks of work they discovered some five youths in the House who formerly had
been members of the Young Pioneers. These are now in the Y". C. L. In the
Y. M. H. A. we had four comrades. These set themselves up as a committee to
form a unit. In three weeks a unit was established with twelve members. In
a '"Y" in Philadelphia, in a period of three weeks two or three comrades also
multiplied themselves into a unit of ten. These examples must be duplicated
in hundreds of mass organizations.

"Victory never comes, by itself— it has to be dragged by the hand. Good
resolutions and declarations in favor of the general line of the Party are only
a beginning, they merely express the desire to win, but it is not victory. After
the correct line has been given, after the correct solution of the problem has
been found, success depends on the manner in which the work is organized, on
the organization of the struggle for the application of the line of the Party,

2224 COIMMUNIST ACTrV^TIES IX THE NEW YORK AREA

on the proper selection of workers, on supervising the fulfillment of the decisions
of the leading organs."

Stalin.

*******

Mr. Johnson. In the pamphlet The Party Organizer, March 1935,
this is a special issue by the Central Committee of the Communist
Party.

Mr. Claedy. Wliat is the Party Organizer, and what is its purpose ?

Mr. Johnson. The Communist Party Organizer is a restricted Com-
munist publication. By "restricted" I mean it is limited only to Com-
munist Party members.

Mr. Clardy. You mean distributed only to them ?

ISIr. Johnson. Only to them.

Mr. Clardy. Sort of a confidential report more or less ?

Mr. Johnson. It is.

JNIr. Clardy. Proceed.

Mr. Johnson. Here is an article written by Fred Brown, alias
Alpi, A-l-p-i, alias Marini, who was for years a Communist Inter-
national technical agent assigned to work with the American Com-
munist Party by the Communist International.

A few years ago he fled from the United States. He is at the present
time active in the Communist Party of Italy.

JSIr. Doyle. Which name did he usually go by ?

INIr. Johnson. He went under the name of Fred Brown and Alpi.
He was a member of the organizational department of the Communist
Party National Committee.

Mr. Doyle. Did I understand you to say he came from Kussia ?

Mr. Johnson. He was sent here by the Commmiist International
as a technical representative or agent.

Mr. Doyle. Does that mean he came direct from Russia?

Mr. Johnson. From Moscow, who ordered him here, in accordance
with the provisions of the program of the Communist International.
In this article — and I quote

Mr. Clardy. Pardon me, may I interrupt you? Do you want to
have all that article put into the thing and marked as an exhibit, or
is there only a portion of it that you want to read?

Mr. Johnson. There are only two paragraphs of it that I want to
read.

Mr. Clardy. All right, read it. Instead of marking it, you go ahead
and read it.

Mr. Johnson. The subtitle is "Into the Negro Organizations."

This is the first paragraph :

Comrades Browder, Edwards, and Forcl have spoken about the necessity of
making a turn in our Nesro work, of learning from our experiences in the
trade-union work on how to connect ourselves with the organized masses. While
the influence of the party is increasing among the Negro masses, yet organiza-
tionally they are still detached from us. In the United States there are 5 million
of the Negro population organized in fraternal organizations, 10 million in
churches.

The problem of how to penetrate these organizations is of the utmost political
importance for us. We must systematically study how to penetrate among the
millions of organized Negro workers. It is not only a political, but also an
organizational problem. We must not be content with the United Front es-
tablished at the top. These United Front conferences are not giving results
and cannot give results if their decisions are not brought down into the branches
of these organizations. But in order for decisions to go down, there must be

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2225

somebody down below to fi^iht for these decisions. Therefore, if we want to
mobilize the organized Negro masses, we must have forces inside of these
organizations.

Now, I was present at the meeting of the National Conniiittee of the
Communist Party in 1935 when Comrades Browder, Edwards, and
Ford s])oke on this subject.

Mr. Claiu)y. Where was this?

Mr. Johnson. This was hehl in the city of New York in 1935.

Now, BroAvder, as you know, was formerly general secretary of the
Communist Barty of the United States of America. He was also a
member of the executive conniiittee of the Communist International.
Edwards went under the name of Brown. His real name is Gerhart
Eisler, tlie Communist International representative who fled our coun-
try on the Batovy to the eastern part of Germany, where at the present
time he holds a high and responsible post there. Ford was a mem-
ber of the National Committee of the Communist Party, a member of
the Political Bureau of the Communist Party. He was vice presi-
dential candidate on the Communist Party ticket for Vice President
of the United States. He was also head of the Negro commission of
the national committee responsible for the infiltration of Negro organ-
izations and the winning of the Negro masses in this country for
rebellion.

^Ir. Clardy. Is he 1 of the 11 ?

Mr. Johnson. No, he was not. Ford was disgraced along with
Browder at the end of the war when the cold war M'as initiated by
Soviet Russia, and he was given a minor position in the Bedford-
Stuyvesant section of Brooklyn.

Mr. KuNziG. Did the Communists ever try to actually get into some
of our Negro religious groups, such as Father Divine's group?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, they did, and I wish to quote from the Com-
munist International which was the theoretical organ of the world
organization of Communists called the Communist International,
which is now known as the Communist Information Bureau.

This article was written by R. Palme Dutt.

Mr. KuNziG. What is the date and time ?

Mr. Johnson. May 5, 1935, published by the Workers Library
Publishers, on page 503. I quote :

An inexcusable blunder occurred in the course of building up the United
Front actions in Harlem (Father Divine's religious followers). A comrade
(see Daily Worker, April 9, 1935, article on Harlem by O. Johnson) in a most
careless manner branded this preacher without concrete evidence as a racketeer,
classifying him with gangster racketeers, ignoring a more tactful approach to
this person who has under his influence thousands of sincere Negroes who are
seeking a way out and who have demonstrated with us against war and
fascism.

Such a blunder drives a wedge between us and the masses and confuses
our theoretical program because of bad practice. Before we can sufficiently
enlighten his followers of the futility of religious ideology and of the cor-
rectness of our program and the need for a united struggle against worsening
conditions, they are driven away from us. This is not convincing the masses.
It is name calling. Through organized educational scientific antlreligious
propaganda we seek to rid the mas.ses of their religious prejudices. We must
carefully avoid any offense that will strengthen religious fanaticism (see the
Communist, April 193.5, Religion and Communism, by Earl Browder.) These
mistakes in the United Front tactic appeared in enlarged forms in other cases
(Herndon, Lee Armwood, Camp Hill, and Tuscaloosa), where the struggle as
far as the United Front is concerned assumed more of the character of a
protest (letters and delegations) campaign from the North and mainly a legal

2226 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

battle in the South. No doubt the most difficult task in this work was to
extend the United Front. The Communist workers have penetrated into new
organizations, have brought new workers under our influence to accept revolu-
tionary methods of struggle and in general have made inroads among the
Negro masses that at times seriously threatened the reformist leadershin of
some organizations.

Now, further on this subject, which was quite a hot issue in tho
party at tliat particuhir time, which was discussed in the top ciYcU^f,
of the party and in the party press, Earl Browder. in his book, What
is Communism?, in 1936, Workers Library Publishers, speaking on
the issue of Father Divine, had this to say, and I quote :

We have nothing in common with the religions beliefs of Father Divine
in whose fantastic features we see the fundamental characteristics of all re-
ligions, but we have much in common with the masses of Negroes who follow
Father Divine. They are our people. We will fight for them and for their
interests. We will do everything possible to draw them into the common
struggle against a common foe. the capitalist system. We will not deny them
the right to religious beliefs that we grant to Catholic workers. Jewish workers,
or members of the numerous Protestant sects. We will fight for all of them.

At the same time, we reserve our own right to oppose all religious superstition
wherever we find it, and with the most effective means at our disposal.

Mr. D0YI.E. Eight at that point, Mr. Chairman, on the article you
read just prior to this one there was this language — to accept revolu-
tionary methods. Do 3^ou remember reading that?

Mr. Johnson. Yes.

Mr. Doyle. From your own personal experience what is meant by
revolutionary methods as used in that article?

Mr. Johnson. That means actions which tend to weaken the Gov-
ernment of the United States and lay the groundwork for its destruc-
tion— for example, by starting a campaign, let us say, around the
issue of Scottsboro. That is familiar to most people, and in the
course of starting this campaign for the freedom of the Scottsboro
boys, they will link it up with the whole social system, and in the
course of this development they will attempt to show those who are
attracted on the issues involved in the Scottsboro case that the perse-
cution of the Scottsboro boys is a part of the economic system where
Negroes do not get justice, that the courts are controlled by the capital-
ists, and they are therefore the enemies of the Negro, and that the only
way the Negroes can completely do away with lynching by rope or
lynching by the courts is to rebel and to overthrow the Government
of the United States. In other words, they use a legitimate

Mr. DoTLE. Overthrow how?

Mr. Johnson. By force and violence.

Mr. Clardy. What do you mean by force and violence?

Mr. Johnson. By bloody, forceful revolution, civil war.

Mr. Doyle. Do t understand that the Communist Party then re-
vealed the fact to this Negro youth and the Baptist religious denomi-
nations and other religious denominations that you referred to in
that pamphlet — did they go to that extreme to reveal that it might
be necessary someday to use force and violence to overthrow our form
of government?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, they went

Mr. DoYi.E. You notice my question is directed to the young people.

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; they started out with simple grievances of the
youth in order to attract them. Then they twisted these issues around
.so as to give them political and revolutionary content and direction,

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2227

in the same sense as they used the issue of preace and war in order to
attack our social system, prepare the masses ideologically for the
sabotage of our industry and our transportation system.

They used it against our courts; they use it against the Congress
of tlie United States ; in short, against our whole governmental system
in all of its institutions.

Mr. Doyle. All right, thank you.

Mr. Clardy. It is that same thing that impels them to act as they
do before this committee, is it not ?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct.

Mr. Clardy. Let us take about a 5-minute break at this juncture.

( Whereupon a short recess was taken. )

Mr. KuNziG. Do you have any further documents which act as
examples of how the Communists infiltrate religion?

Mr. Johnson. Yes.

The united front in the field of Negi'o work, the Communist, by
James W. Ford, Workers Library Publishers, page 169, February
1935:

There are thousands of organizations among Negroes, such as fraternal organi-
zations, lodges, social clubs, West Indian organizations, independent trade unions,
locals of the A. F. of L., youth and Greek-letter societies, churches, and affiliated
social groups. They can be approached with the conception of Scottsboro as a
symbol of national oppression and for national liberation. We must not come to
these organizations with their varying programs with the idea of destroying them
but with the idea of bringing them nearer to the program of the League of
Struggle for Negro Rights. Whatever the character of the organization, we
can by correct appeal orientate a phase of it to Scottsboro and the LSNR
liberation program.

The united front in the field of Negro work, The Communist, by
James W. Ford, Workers Library Publishers, Februarv 1935, pages
170-171: y ^i h

The church represents a fertile field for work ; as an institution it has solid
contact with the Negi-o masses, forming a social as well as a religious center.
Long before there were social ciubs, meeting halls, or fraternal halls the church
served their purposes. Marriages, baptisms, funerals, drama, amusements, reli-
gion, all of the features of Negro social activities were bound up in the church.
When we go among the masses of the church to win support for Scottsboro we
do not go in to raise the religious issue. Recently at an open forum on religion a
Negro woman member of a church, said during "the discussion : "You know you
Communists have been sent by God to do the work you are doing, but you don't
know it." Should we argue with such a woman about this statement when we
are trying to make a united front on Scottsboro? Of course not. It would be
stupid. If this woman l)elieves that her religion can play a revolutionary role
to the extent of supporting us on Scottsboro, this gives us a starting point for
building the United Front on Scottsboro. If we get the United Front on Scotts-
boro other things will take care of themselves if we act intelligently and know
how to follow through.

Problems of National Groups in United States, The Communist, by
Irene Browcler, May 1939, pages 462-463 :

It is the greatest mistake to deal with the Church, whether Catholic or Prot-
estant, as one reactionary mass. The same political divisions run through it
as through society in general, determined by much the same considerations.
Class divisions are, of course, the basic ones, and we can always rouse the
democratic instincts and sympathies of working-class members of the church,
and can often reach them effectively through their church, provided we do not
offend their religious susceptibilities and thereby throw them back under the
influence of reactionary religious leaders.

To ignore such obvious differences and their profound political significance
would be childish stupidity.

33909 — 53— pt. S 3

2228 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, you testified previously in New York
and here today that you knew Dr. Harry F. Ward. If you have any
further testimony regarding Dr. Ward or any further information, I
should appreciate your stating it before the subcommittee at tliis time.

Mr. Johnson. Yes; I have additional information. It is more or
less documentary, and I would like to offer it to you.

The first is an article in the Daily Worker dated Thursday, May 7,
1953. Along with this article is a picture of Dr. Harry F. Ward.
The newspaper story is headed "Dr. Harry F. Ward's Achievements
Recounted at Dinner in His Honor."

Mr. Clardy. As I understand it, you hold the actual copy of the
issue of the Worker you mention ?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct ; and I would like to submit this for
the consideration of the committee.

Mr. Clardy. Have it marked as "Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 21,"

Mr. KuNZiG. Mr. Chairman, it is marked "Manning Johnson Ex-
hibit No. 21," and I offer it into evidence at this time.

Mr. Clardy. It will be received.

(The copy of the article in the Daily Worker dated Thursday, May
7, 1953, was received in evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit No. 21.)

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 21

(Daily Worker, New York, May 7, 1953, p. 7)

Dr. Harry F. Ward's Achievements Recounted at Dinner in His Honor

(By David Piatt)

Dr. Harry F. Ward, one of America's noblemen, who will soon reach his 80th
birthday, was guest of honor at a dinner at Hotel McAlpin the other night. The
affair was sponsored by Now World Review, a progressive monthly devoted to
circulating the truth about the Socialist and People's Democracies abroad.

The magazine brought out several hundred friends and former students of
Dr. Ward, and some of those who knew him well, like Rev. Jack McMichael, of
the Methodist Federation for Social Action ; Corliss Lamont ; Paul Robeson ;
Frederick Field ; and Jessica Smith, editor of New World Review, told the others
of how Dr. Ward's teachings enriched them personally and how his tremendous
work for brotherhood, peace, and justice has influenced the nation as a whole.

"His influence on the churches of this country is incalculable," said Rev. Mc-
Michael, one of Dr. Ward's former students at Union Theological Seminary, in
his stirring account of the life of this "rare scholar and man of action."

"When you see ministers taking a courageous stand on civil liberties and
peace, it is because of the inspiration of Dr. Ward's work."

* * * * * « •

Other speakers noted the enormous amount of activity that Dr. Ward has been
involved in during the past half century.

He is the author of 15 books since 1913 and has a new one coming out soon.

He was for years chairman of the American League Against War and Fascism
and the American League for Peace and Democracy.

He was general secretary of the Methodist Federation of Social Service from
1911 to 1944.

He was professor of Christian Ethics at Union Theological Seminary for
25 years and chairman of American Civil Liberties Union from 1920 to 1940.

Jes'sica Smith pointed out a few more things about Dr. Ward, such as his
activity in the British labor movement as far back as 1889. He knew the
British labor leader Tom Mann, she said, and was himself a worker when he
came to America as a young lad of 17.

He was a rancher and teamster and worked with Sidney Hillman in the
great garment strike that brought about the birth of the Amalgamated Clothing
Workers Union.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2229

He knew William Z. Foster and Eugene Debs.

He studied the works of Marx and Engels and learned what was the basis
of the thinking of these Socialist giants.

Ho went to the Soviet Union in 1SJ24 and in 1931 spent a whole year there
studying the incentives of socialism, out of which came his book, In Place
of Profit.

How did Dr. Ward find time to do all the things he did? The answer, said
Corliss Lamont, is to be found in a poem by Alfred Tennyson, "His strength was
as the strenuth of ten because his heart is pure !"

The entire audience I)roke into applause when Dr. Ward came to the mike.

After paying a moving compliment to his wife who was seated on the plat-
form. Dr. Ward, in words of great eloquence called for a counteroffensive against
the warmakers.

"The Eisenhower administration declares that peace is subversive. Very
well. Ivct our answer then be not defense but the most terrific counteroffensive
this Nation has ever seen. Let us answer that war is subversive.

"It is war that is destroying the Bill of Rights and undermining the Con-
stitution. War is bringing fascism to our doorstep. War is submerging peace.
War is taking money needed for education and health and subverting the social
wellbeing of the whole Nation. These are the things we must make the people
see. Let that be our answer to the Department of Justice." (Tremendous
applause ! )

Earlier in the evening, INIr. Lamont drove home to the audience the threat
to the press in McCarthy's drive against civil liberties, pointing out that even
the violent anli-Conimunist paper, the N. Y. Post, is having its trouble with
McCarthy. This paper, he said, offers the "greatest possible lesson to all
liberals and progressives.

"The Post tried to win safety through the dirtiest redbaiting you can imagine.
James Wechsler thought he could win safety and security for his paper by
attacking the Communists and the Soviet Union on eveiw possible occasion.
Has it done him any good? It has not. Winchell is after him and McCarthy
is after him, and though Wechsler grovels on the ground, he can't get away
from him."

The situation on The Post, said Lamont is proof that the drive against
civil liberties is against anybody "left of President McKinley — anybody who
has any ideas at all."

The thing to do, he said, as the audience applauded vigorously, is for every-
body who believes in freedom of the press to "stand firm and tight until the
McCarthyites are beaten."

* * « * 4: * •

Theodore Bozal of the United Furniture Workers, CIO Local 92, contributed
his bit to this splendid evening by telling of his recent trip to the Soviet Union
and Peoples Poland and of the tremendous peace feeling he encountered
everywhere.

Here in America, he said, "we are accustomed to seeing nothing but com-
mercial advertising on billboards. In the U. S. S. R. I saw hundreds of billboards
advertising 'We are for Peace.' "

m ***** *

Robeson's marvelous singing of Climbing Jacob's Ladder and other songs,
accompanied by Alan Booth on the piano stirred everyone at this inspiring
tribute to Dr. Ward described by chairman Frederick V. Field as "one of the
American leaders of the new world in whom is combined that fusion of intelli-
gence, understanding, and progressive leadership which is the mark of true
greatness."

Mr. Johnson. Now, I would also like to quote from a pamphlet
entitled "Socialism— What's in It for You?'' by A. B. Magil, New
Century Publishers. A. B. Magil has for years been a national leader
of the Communist Party in the United States.

Now, Magil in this pamphlet states the following, and I quote :

There are religious people who, far from considering socialism a menace, see
in it the fulfillment of the ethical principles of their faith. It is this that has
attracted to socialism distinguished clergymen like the Dean of Canterbury, Dr.
Harry F. Ward, professor emeritus of Christian Ethics at Union Theological

2230 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Seminary, and Reverend Eliot White, formerly of the Grace Episcopal Church
of New York.

The next quote deals with Harry F. Ward and is taken from a pam-
phlet written by Earl Browder in 1936 called Democracy or Fascism?,
Workers Library Publishers. This pamphlet is made up from the
report of Earl Browder to the ninth national convention of the Com-
munist Party in 1936. I was present at the ninth convention of the
Communist Party in New York City held at Manhattan Center on
34th Street when this report was made. I was a delegate, and it was
at that convention that I was elected to membership on the national
committee.

In the report Browder mentioned the splendid work of Dr. Harry
F. Ward as one of the finer types of comrades or party members. He
stated that —

It is impossible to speak of the American League and its work without noting
the outstanding contribution of its tireless and devoted chairman, Dr. Harry F.
Ward.

Mr. Clardy. By American League, of course you mean the Ameri-
can League Against War and Fascism ?
Mr. Johnson. Yes, the American League Against War and Fascism.
I continue :

Such selfless and consistent service to a progressive cause as Dr. Ward has
given will always receive the unstinted recognition and support of the Commu-
nist Party.

Mr. Clardy. You have of your own knowledge placed Dr. Ward in
the party, and you have so testified repeatedly before us. Now, what
you have laeen giving us is some documentary confirmation of precisely
what you, yourself, have testified to.

Mr. Johnson. That is correct.

Mr. KuNziG, Mr. Johnson, do you know anything about the United
Christian Council for Democracy?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I do.

Mr. KuNziG. Did you ever have any experience with that group ?

Mr. Johnson. I personally never worked with the group itself be-
cause the group was formed, according to my best recollection, in 1939,
and that was the first time that I had heard of it. It was one of those
organizations that was formed for the purpose of infiltrating the
various religious denominations throughout the country.

Mr. KuNziG. If you had no personal knowledge, then what is your
source of knowledge ?

Mr. Johnson. My source of knowledge may be found in the
pamphlet or magazine known as the Protestant Digest.

Mr. Clardy. Let me interrupt you. I am not sure that either you
or counsel are quite accurate in the way you phrased it. You as a
member of the Communist Party must have had some knowledge of
this subject. Suppose you tell us what the extent of that knowledge
was.

Mr. Johnson. The extent of my knowledge was that this organiza-
tion existed and that it had a program similar to that of the Methodist
Federation for Social Service.

Mr. Clardy. All right, now I will ask you another one. In your
contacts with other members of the Communist Party was the subject
discussed so that out of all of these meetings with others you picked

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2231

lip knowledge about the movement and about this other arm of the
party ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, it was of general knowledge. It was mentioned
incidentally in discussion of work in religious organization.

(Representative Clyde Doyle left the hearing room at this point.)

Mr. Johnson. At the particular time I was mainly involved in work
in the trade unions. Consequently, I did not make myself familiar
with the organization or its program. I was content just to accept
on the basis of the mere mention of it that it was a new Communist
front that was organized.

Mr. Ci^vRDY. So while you knew it was organized, and you knew
from others what it was doing and its general method of operation,
yon were not part of that particular piece of apparatus?

Mr. Johnson. No ; I was not.

Mr. Clardy. All right, now proceed.

Mr. Johnson. I am only testifying on this as an expert.

Mr. Clardy. That, sir, is a good statement of the position I think
370U occupy on this subject. Go right ahead.

Mr. Johnson. In the Protestant Digest of April 1939, published by
the Protestant Digest Council for Democracy, there is an article,
United Christian Council for Democracy, which sets forth the aims,
purposes, and objectives of this organization and the list of its officers.

Speaking as an expert on the strength of this article the program as
set forth in it indicates that the policy of the organization is based
upon the program of the Communist Party for the infiltration of the
various Protestant denominations on the basis of conditioning them
mentally, organizationally for the overthrow of the Government of the
United States.

Mr. Clardy. Again you have just one issue or photostat or part of
one issue dated sometime in 1939 ?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct.

Mr, Clardy. Is that magazine still being published, but under a
di ff erent name ?

Mr. Johnson. It was published, to my knowledge, up until the
fifties under the name of the Protestant Digest.

]Mr. Clardy. We have had some testimony in the files from other
witnesses prior to now. Any more comment on that ?

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Chairman, I have in my hand the pamphlet which
has just been read from by the witness which has been marked "Man-
ning Johnson Exhibit No. 22," and I should like to offer this exhibit
into evidence at this time.

Mr. Clardy. It will be received.

(The pamphlet Protestant Digest, April 1939, was received in evi-
dence as Manning Johnson exhibit No. 22.)

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 22

(The Protestant Digest, April 1939, pp. 61-63)

United Christian Council fob Democracy

PURPOSE

To bring together for education and united action members in all Christian
chui'clies who are intent upon expressing the social imperatives inherent in the
Christian religion.

2232 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

A STATEMENT OF PEINCIPLES

Our Christian faith in a God of love and righteousness, our acceptance of the
prophetic command to do justice and love mercy, our obedience to Jesus' teach-
ings concerning the values and possibilities of human life, leave us vpith no
alternative save to labor for a radically new society.

Therefore, moved by the joint compulsion of the desperate needs of human
society and the inescapable demands of the Christian faith and hope, vre unite
around the following basic principles :

1. We reject the profit-seeking economy and the capitalistic way of life with
its private ownership of the things upon which the lives of all depend.

2. We seek to establish a social economy which, under social ownership and
democratic control of the common means of life, will make possible the highest
potential development of persons and society.

3. We pledge ourselves to resolute effort to accomplish this basic change in
the organization of society by the democratic process.

4. We propose to support the necessary political and economic action to im-
plement these aims.

5. In all this we rely upon the availability of spiritual resources adequate for
the redemption of society.

THE OEGANIZATION

A federation

The United Christian Council for Democracy is a federation of nationally
organized unofficial denominational units.

Denominational groups

An effective means, we believe, of promoting education and action in line
with our principles is first of all through the various denominations. A major
objective then is to win the support of a large number of laymen and ministers
in each denomination. This is accomplished through individual membership
organizations.

We believe that each Protestant denomination ought to have such an unofiicial
organized group which will crystallize and express advanced social positions,
beyond those which the denomination will or can take officially.

We are anxious to enlist laymen as well as ministers in these groups and
believe that the effectiveness of our work will depend measurably upon the pro-
portion of laymen who actively support this program.

Regional committees

On a geographical basis, regional or statewise, and in large cities, regional
committees of the United Christian Council are being formed. Such committees
will be interdenominational and representative. Uniting as they will persons
of common anxiety and conviction in the several denominations of the given
areas, there will be sufficient strength to support decisive action needed in acute
social situations.

A national committee

A national committee is composed of representatives from each nationally
organized denominational group, 1 for each 200 members, together with 1
representative from each interdenominational regional committee.

Executive committee

The executive body of the United Christian Council is composed of one repre-
sentative from each denominational group. The committee has been given power
to act in terms of the general policy established annually by the National
Committee.

PROPOSED ACTION

For the United Christian Council, the constituent national denominational
organizations, and regional committees.

Literature

The council hopes to recruit the ablest men in all denominations in the prepara-
tion of pamphlets interpreting our convictions on basic social problems and the
relation of the church to them. We believe that united action in propaganda
will greatly improve the quality and effectiveness of such educational work.

It is our hope that later both a weekly news sheet and a quarterly magazine
may bring our inteiiDretations of social problems to the people of the churches.

COMJMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2233

Pronouncements

The council expects to make pronouncements, from time to time, on current
issues in which it will seek to express the nilud and determination of the socially
advanced portion of the Christian churches.

The regional and local groups will be encouraged to make pronouncements
upon social crises in their own communities.

Action

We liclieve that common counsel will lead to united action on the part of
church people on behalf of labor, in counteracting prejudice in labor disputes,
in defending civil liberties, in opposing wai-making, in furtherance of inter-
national conferences on basic economic problems, in supporting cooperatives, in
relating the rural church to the most effective farmers' organizations, and
generally in giving aid to the forces in the community which are working toward
immediate justice and an ultimate cooperative commonwealth.

Mutual aid

Recognizing that perils of insecurity beset Christian leaders who advocate
positions more advanced than those held by the community in general, we will
strive in every way possible to secure the facts in the event of dismissals, to
place our moral support behind those who are unjustly dismissed, and to secure
aid for those whose livelihood is imperiled.

United Christian CotTNciL foe Democracy
William F. Cochran, President

Executive Committee

Reinhold Niebuhr, chairman Evangelical and Reformed

Ruth Maybee Baptist

H. Lincoln MacKenzie Community

Ralph Read Congregational

Harold Fey Disciples

William B. Spofford Episcopal

Harry F. Ward Methodist

Howard Black Presbyterian

Howard Kester Southern Churchmen

Lon Ray Call Unitarian

Information regarding the United Christian Council for Democracy may be
obtained from Richard Morford, secretary, 22 Forest Ave., Albany, N. Y.

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, as a former leader of the Communist
Party can you tell us something about the nature of this magazine
first called the Protestant Digest and later called the Protestant ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I can; but before I go into that, I would like
to call

(At this point Kepresentative Clyde Doyle returned to the hearing
room. )

Mr. Clardy. Off the record.

(Discussion off the record.)

Mr. Johnson. The Protestant Digest was first published in 1938
while I was a member of the party, and in the party circles it was
discussed as one of the Communist- front publications that had as its
aim and purpose using first the infiltration of the Protestant denomi-
nations ; secondly, to carry the materialist, antireligious policy of the
Communist Party into the religious denominations under the guise of
religion.

Moreover, it provided the ministers with material for
sermons that they delivered to congregations at the regular services.

2234 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Mr. Clardt. Let me interrupt you, Witness. Is it fair to say then
that this magazine was instituted by the Communist Party for the
purpose of perhaps deceiving and misleading the good men in the
ministry into preaching things that would help promote the Com-
munist Party line without their being necessarily completely aware
of it?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct ; that is a correct statement.

Mr. Clardy. And that it was fostered and put forward and sold in
some instances to good men, but men who were willing to accept the
statements as though they were bona fide expressions of true
Christianity ?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct.

(Representative Kit Clardy left the hearing room at this point.)

Mr. Johnson. In 1938 when the Protestant Digest first was pub-
lished, there was only one person on the editorial staff. That person
was Kenneth Leslie.

Mr. Kunzig. Do you know Kenneth Leslie to be a member of the
Communist Party? Did you personally know?

Mr. Johnson. I do not recall having ever attended party meetings
with Kenneth Leslie, though I do know that he was under Communist
Party discipline.

Mr. KuNziG. How do you know that he was under Communist Party
discipline ?

Mr. Johnson. Because in the upper circles of the party he was
discussed as one that could be depended upon to carry out the Com-
munist Party line.

Mr. Kunzig. Would you continue with the list of people who were
responsible through the years for the magazine ?

Mr. Johnson. In 1939 the magazine shows in addition to Kenneth
Leslie a group of editorial advisers, six, to be exact.

(Representative Kit Clardy returned to the hearing room at this
point.)

Mr. Clardy. You do not mean to imply that these six of your own
knowledge were necessarily members of the Communist Party?

Mr. Johnson. I do not say that they were card-carrying members
of the Communist Party. I make this statement because in the Com-
munist Party we had card-carrying members; we had non-card-
carrjang members. By non-card-carrying members are meant persons
who are of great value to the Communist Party in various Communist-
front organizations whose identity, were it known generally, as card-
carrying members would render ineffective their work in these Com-
munist-front organizations.

Mr. Clardy. All right. Now, to come back to my question, as to
those that have been specifically named, you do not have any specific
knov/ledge, I take it, as to whether they were m any of these classes
that you are talking about?

Mr. Johnson. I did not attend any closed meetings witli these
people, but I would say that they were on numerous Communist-
front organiaztions, and they carried out the line. Therefore, they
were persons under Communist Party discipline as all persons who
consistently carry out the work of the Communist Party through
front organizations are persons who are under Communist Party
discipline.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2235

Mr. Clardy. Let us put it this way : Are 3'ou personally, or were
you personally acquainted with the individuals that you have dis-
cussed so that you are in a position to say of your own knowledge
whether they fell in any of these categories or not?

Mr. Johnson. I only know of them through their activities in the
Connnunist-front organizations or the solar system of organizations
that was set up in the Communist Party.

Mr. KuNziG. Then the answer is, you do not know them as card-
carrying members nor do you know them as specifically non-card-
carrying members?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct.

Mr. Clardy. But you know them as you have previously described
as collaborating in some fashion or other?

Mr. Johnson. That is right.

Mr. Clardy. It is of course possible, and we want evei*yone to be
actuall}^ as fair as they possibly can. It is possible that some of them
may be dupes or may be innocently brought in because they are naive
or for some other reason, not necessarily because they are actually
Communists or even Communist sympathizers?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, that is possible.

Mr. Doyle. "Wliat year was that?

Mr. Johnson. That is 1939. I did not get to the later editions of
the Protestant Digest and the Protestant. What I am trying to point
out here is that there were persons who served at one time or another
on the Protestant who dropped out. What the reasons were, I do not
knoAv. but there are others who were consistently on the editorial
board of the Protestant over a period of years, and not only that, their
names have appeared in numerous front organizations of the Com-
munist Party following every twist and every turn in the Commu-
nist Party line.

I do not know of most of them as card-carrying members of the
party. Those that I do I will identify as I go along.

Mr. KuNziG. Would you give us the names of those who remained
consistently on the editorial board as you just mentioned and who
followed the Communist line throughout the j^ears?

Mr. Johnson. For example, Jerome Davis was on the editorial
board in 1939.

Mr. Clardy. You were about to name persons whom you are not
identifsang as Communists but persons who followed the deviations
of the Communist Party line.

I want to have it clearly understood at this juncture that as to any
other names mentioned up to this moment you are not identifying
any of them as Communists unless you have specifically said so when
you named them. That is a correct statement ; is it not ?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct.

Mr. Clardy. All right, proceed from there.

(Representative Kit Clardy left the hearing room at this point.)

Mr.KuNziG. You stated that the magazine, the Protestant Digest,
later called the Protestant, met the various turns of policy of the Soviet
Union and the twists and the turns in the Communist line as it went
through the years. Could you document that, please, with illustra-
tions taken from the magazine?

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; I can.

2236 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

I have here the Protestant Digest, December 1938, the period when
the Communist Party was building the united front, and we find in
this edition of the Protestant Digest an article by "William Spofford.
It was a reprint from the Witness, September 22, 1938.

(Representative Kit Clardy reentered the hearing room at this
point.)

Mr. Johnson. The subject of the article is Bill Spofford Hails
United Front.

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Chairman, I have this document marked "Man-
ning Johnson Exhibit No. 23," and I offer it now in evidence.

Mr. Clardy. It will be received.

(The article, Bill Spofford Hails United Front, from the Protestant
Digest, December 1938, was received in evidence as Manning Johnson
exhibit No. 23.)

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 23

(Protestant Digest, December 1938)

Bill Spofford Hails United Front

(By William B. Spofford in the Witness, September 22, 1938)

The Church League for Industrial Democracy is an organization of the Epis-
copal Church, composed of approximately 3,000 members, who have pledged them-
selves to seek to understand the teachings of Christ and to apply them in their
own vocations and activities in relation to the present problems of industrial
society. There is no connection whatever between the American League for
Peace and Democracy and the CLID, or between the Communist Party and the
CLID. Some of our members are also members of the American League and
accept the program above stated. Others approve of parts and disapprove of
other parts. CLID members are, of course, free to join the American League
or not as they see fit — or to oppose it if that is their conviction. The proposal
was made at the last national meeting of the CLID that we affiliate with the
American League. The proposal was overwhelmingly defeated, and as executive
secretary I opposed affiliation. I did state, however, that I personally accepted
the program of the American League and asked that I be allowed as an individual
to cooperate with the organization. This was voted and I have since been active
in the American League and am at present proud to be vice chairman.

In regard to the Communist Party, it is, of course, a secular organization,
based upon a materialistic philosophy, and for this reason is quite properly op-
posed by Christians. Their ultimate purpose is so to order society throughout
the world that communism will be universal. However, because of the present
world situation, with wars in Spain and China and with the Fascist powers
threatening other democratic nations, they have set aside their ultimate objectives
in order to join forces in a United Front to maintain peace and democracy.
Just as a United Front, including the Communists, was necessary in China if
Japanese aggression was to be resisted (a United Front that has received the
blessing of Bishop Roots and I think I am safe in saying all our missionaries) ;
just as Hitlerism might have been avoided in Germany and democracy main-
tained if the people had created a United Front (as Martin Niemoller told a
group of us in Berlin last summer just three days before his arrest) ; so I believe
a United Front must be built in the United States if democracy is to be main-
tained and war avoided. And an effective United Front is built not by various
groups stressing their differences but rather by setting aside their differences
and uniting wholeheartedly in a minimum program. The Communists, as far
as my experience means anything, are sincere in their desire for a United Front
and are effective workers for it. Therefore, I am happy to join forces with them,
and others, on this minimum program for peace and democracy. When and if
they change their "line" (and I do not believe I shall be so innocent as not to
know) it is probably that I shall part company with them.

Mr. Johnson. I would like to present to the committee an article
published in the Protestant, April-May 1942. The author of the
article is David Easton, and is an article in which he follows the Com-

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2237

munist Party line on religion by attempting to show in this article
that Marxism and democracy and a liberal religious faith are one.

Mr. Clardy. All right, let us have that marked "Manning Johnson
Exhibit No. 24."

Mr. KuNziG. It is marked "Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 24."

I now offer it in evidence, Mr. Chairman.

Mr. Clardy. It will be received.

(The article referred to from the Protestant, April-May 1942, was
received in evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit No. 24.)

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 24

(The Protestant, April-May 1942, pp. 52-55)

Spirituality and Maus

(By David Easton)

Marx explains "self -alienation" as it appears in our present form of society :

The more the worker expends his labor, the more powerful becomes the
alien objective world which he creates outside himself, and the poorer he and
his inner world become and the less he can call his own. * * * Not only does
his work become an external object, but it exists outside of him as an inde-
pendent and alien thing. It becomes a self-sufficient power over him. The
life which he has lost to the object confronts him as strange and alien. * * *
The estranged relation of the worker to his work expresses itself in the rela-
tion of capitalist to worker. Private property is thus result and necessary
expression of the estranged relation of the worker to himself and to nature
(Marx-Engels, Gesamtausgabe (Ed. V. Adoratskij), Abt. 1, Bd. 3, pp. 83-84,
91. Trans, mine).

For Marx the idea of self-alienation expresses the fact that concentration
of wealth and forces of production in a few hands means spiritual impoverish-
ment for the majority of men. In this state men lose their freedom — the
product of their labor and even their tools become powers over them.

Marx believed that "to be a man" really means "to work," to transform
nature for human ends. In this way nature is integrated with humanity, and
each product of labor incarnates the personality of man. Through work man
"makes the whole of nature his inorganic body." But when the product of
labor is "alienated," the personality of man is diminished and stunted. Marx
wanted to suppress the alienation of labor. He believed that man can realize
and fulfill his personality through a socialist society. This entails "the posi-
tive dissolution of private property, as human self-alienation, and thus the
genuine appropriation of the attributes of humanity by and for mankind."
The new society, Marx said, can produce "as a continual reality, man in all
the richness of his being, the complete and well-rounded man."

The young Marx called his view of man "realistic humanism" or "completed
naturalism." It is the groundwork of his well-known historical materialism.
Marx' view of man went beyond Feuerbach who stopped with the abstract
isolated individual and did not see that "only in community with others has
each individual the means of cultivating his gifts in all directions." Man's
self-alienation and the way to his self-fulfillment became the motif of Marx'
thought and endeavor. It runs through all his writings. It implies a particular
theory of education :

The education of the future will combine productive labor with instruction
and gymnastics, not only as one of the methods of adding to the efficiency of
production, but as the only method of producing fully developed human beings
(Capital, I, 529).

It may seem that Marx's historical determinism leaves no room for effective
human action and development. But Marx never denied that the purposes and
acts of men are motors of history. He approved of Vico's observation that
^uman history differs from natural history in this, that we have made the
former, but not the latter." In an early letter he criticized Feuerbach's material-
ism for being "merely naturalistic and not historical" for not taking account of
human efforts, particularly in politics. For Marx "History is nothing else than
the acitivity of man pursuing his own aims." And man is to be conceived as

2238 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

*'a living conscious thing" ratlier than a pure disembodied spirit. Following these
leads, Soviet philosophers recently attacked "economism" which "neglects per-
sonalities, wills, and temperaments as historical facts." And in 1930 K. N.
Kornilov of Moscow University wrote a criticism of any view which "either flatly
denies the existence of human consciousness or identifies it with mechanical
movements of matter."

Marx's determinism is simply an assertion that historical events have discover-
able causes. He denies that human action is free in the sense of being uncaused.
There is regularity and lawfulness in human events as every social scientist
supposes. Out of the conflicts and agreements of many individual acts there
comes regularity and continuity. In this sense social movements are indi^endent
of the individual will and intelligence. Marx's determinism implies simply that
the actions of an individual or a group have definite antecedents and conse-
quences. Is this a denial of human freedom? By no means. Marx always
distinguished between historical and merely natural events. He insisted that
men are moved to action by their purposes and needs. This, it seems to me,
is the substance of human freedom. It is self-determination. It is the condi-
tion of all our choices. Without such determination "guilt," "responsibility,"
and "moral education" would be empty words. Human purposes and preferences
are always affected by other parts of the historical process. In their origin,
their specific content, and in their effectiveness they are conditioned by the given
productive forces and relations — by other social facts which all presuppose man's
conscious transformation of nature through his work.

All of Marx's writings are a condemnation of those economic and social ar-
rangements which disallow fully developed human beings. He condemned the
social system which "converts the laborer into a crippled monstrosity" and at the
same time creates a leisure class of elfete, parasitical, and pleasure-hunting
animals. He condemned the social scheme which leaves "no other nexus between
man and man than naked self-interest" and resolves "personal worth into ex-
change value." For Marx the cultivation and sharing of art is essential to the
complete life. He deplored the sacrifice of art to the gods of profit and business.
The treatment of poetry, painting, music, etc., as mere commodities rather than
"products sui generis" was accepted as one of the tragic ironies of our time. And
Marx persistently denounced the prostitution of science and education for the
sake of profits.

The relation of Marxism to religion will never be understood if we stop with
the slogan, "Religion is the opium of the people." We should remember that
Marx's sallies were primarily against those forms of religion which belittle man
and discount his ideal aims. His criticism was a response to "the categorical im-
perative to overthrow all conditions in which man is a degraded, servile, neglected,
contemptible being." In one of his letters Marx wrote, bitterly, that after the
Greeks the e.ssential dignity of man disappeared from the world. Historical
Christianity too much emphasized man's worthlessness and the vanity of any
effort to change his present estate.

It is clear that Marx's attack on religion is primarily an attack on super-
naturalism or other wordliness which is indifferent to human needs and develop-
ment. His views are quite in harmony with humanistic and naturalistic philos-
ophies of religion. They are altogether acceptable to those who, with Matthew
Arnold, find the essence of religion to be "morality touched by emotion." But
with the "new supernaturalism" Marxism clashes on fundamental issues. The
extreme supernaturalists of our day condenui as false any view which denies
man's "creatureliness" and commits "the sin of pride.'' Still, many of the new
supernaturalists use the Marxian way of understanding social events as they
try to answer present demands of the transcendent ideal.

The stimulus to Marx's moral passion was an awareness that great numbers
of men never get to the human level of existence. Only a part of each man is
developed. Too many are "appendages of machines" and "laboring cattle."
Life begins when they leave work which is alien and thus fearsome. Marx
wanted to change this condition. He wanted to get rid of those property ar-
rangements which cause human self-alienation. He sought to unfetter technology
for the benefit of all so that human lives might be more complete and rounded
out. All men, he deeply believed, must have the chance to know the value of
camaraderie for its own sake, the liberation and romance of learning, and the
lasting pleasures in art. These things are out of reach when man's work be-
comes an alien power over him that diminishes his personality.

Marx expanded the Greek ideal of harmonious self-development. He removed
it from aristocratic contemplation and related it to social action. For Aristotle

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2239

the ideal type of man was one who, like the Unmoved Mover, needs only to con-
template. Likewise, Marx opposed Hegel's view of man. Hegel did think of man
as a process and thus the result of his own work. But the only kind of work
he rocognized wa.s abstract spiritual work or pure mental activity. In Marx's
view the complete man is one who works ; he acts in society and actually trans-
foi-nis nature of human ends. All of his socially developed senses and spiritual
organs are instruments for "the humanization of nature." This is Marx's view
of man which he called realistic humanism. It gives deeper meaning to his
favorite maxim : "Nihil humani a me alieimm puto." In this respect, as well as
others, Marxism and democracy and a liberal religious faith are as one.

Mr. KuxziG. Mr. Johnson, do yon know Easton as a member of the
Connnunist Party ?

Mr. JoiiNSOx. I do not know of my personal knowledge whether he
is or wlietlier he is not a member of the Communist Party.

Mr. Clardy. You are not at this time making any accusation that
the gentleman named is a member of the Communist Party ?

Mv. Johnson. No ; I am not at this time.

IMr. KuNziG. Do you have any further documents, Mr. Johnson ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I have.

I have in my hand a copy of the Protestant Digest of January 1940,
which shows that the Protestant Digest worked against America's
entry into the war at the time when the Communist line was peace for
America as long as Russia and Germany were tied together in a pact.

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Chairman, I have this document in my hand
marked "Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 25," and I offer it into evi-
dence at this point.

Mr. Clardy. It will be received.

(The copy of the Protestant Digest, January 1940, was received in
evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit No. 25.

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 25

(Protestant Digest, January 1940, pp. 68-73)

Toward a Democratic Peace

By Harry F. Ward

Can We Do It?

We are now back to the old international law concept of neutrality. Like the
Soviet we are technically willing to sell to both sides. Actually we mean to help
the allies, relying on the cash-and-carry provisions and the British blockade to
make it impossible for Germany to buy here. If she can get something by a
roundabout way through neutrals, we will take the profits on that, too.

This is a better protection against the consequences of war trade than we had
in 1914-1917. How effective is it? Is the desire for profit, and the need for
profit tamed and under control? The first attempt to break through the cash
restriction by substituting 90 days' credit for cash on the barrelhead, has been
defeated by popular protest. But the same interests who tried that are now hop-
iui; that the clause which provides that insurance does not constitute an Anieii-
can interest in goods or ships will afl'ord them a loophole ; and the British Minis-
ter of Supply naturally says they are examining the bill to see if there is not a
possibility of getting around the cash restriction by arrangements with private
business. The Wall Street Journal has hopes. The attempt to evade the carry
restriction by transfer to foreign registry, and the ofiicial support it has secured,
indicates the necessity to continually watch and expose attempts to evade or
change the restrictions on war trade designed to lessen the risk of our being
drawn into the war.

2240 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

The Danger Points

Popular support will gather behind such attempts if and when there is any
danger of Hitler winning, and if the war lasts until the allies' cash is gone and
orders and jobs begin to fall off. War trade on a cash basis has its own way of
producing economic pressures on the side of our entering the war. The antici-
pation of immediate orders which are not forthcoming has already created a
small boom with no base. The concentration of orders on airplanes and a few
other things, and the need of conserving cash for a possibly long struggle, is
already reducing British purchases of basic necessities that we have been supply-
ing. The prosperity we get from war orders will be very spotty. The effects of
the transfer of British and French securities here to pay for their orders, along
with additional transfer of gold, will load us up still more with idle capital.
The net result will be an increase in our total economic insecurity, a psychologi-
cal situation which always brings war nearer.

To offset these tendencies it would be necessary to make much larger Govern-
ment expenditures for social gains, whereas the reactionaries who succeeded in
limiting these in the last session of Congress expect to do worse in 1940. Those
who seek to check the rise of a war spirit in this Nation will need to be able to
defeat reaction at this point and to protect the living standards of the people by
exposing and leading them to stop all war profiteering as soon as it begins.

If the war lasts the cold-blooded military experts have a formula for the time
when the economic and propaganda pressures will actually begin to take us in.
It is the ratio between our supply of the instruments of war to the allied man-
power available for their use. When the production flow of war materials from
our plants becomes greater than the capacity of their armies, there will be both
need for our manpower and propaganda to get it. The danger to democracy will
then suddenly become very acute in the headlines. Those who would expose
and resist this must know their economic facts. It is of no more avail to
shout "keep out of war" than it was to vote that way in 1916. If the underlying
forces are again working as they were then, they will take us in. The first step
in getting them under control is to continually explain to the people exactly
what is happening.

What About China?

Since England now has no war supplies to spare for Japan, that country needs
to draw more heavily upon us than even our present 54 percent of her imported
materials for war. Our new war-trade legislation does not apply, for the legal
fiction of an undeclared war still remains. If that situation continues, only an
embargo can end our partnership in the invasion of China. If Japan declar«^s
war our present legislation will still help Japan more than China, for she can only
get supplies through neutrals willing to run the blockade, while Japan has both
cash and ships, * * * The only prevention would be a Presidential ban on
scrap iron and oil on the ground of our own needs, plus discrimination under
the tariff law when our trade treaty ends in January. Our present protests to
Japan are entirely in terms of our own trade interests and lead either to war
or a compromising assent to Japanese control in China. Our moral obligation
to China calls clearly for a renewed dpmand for an embargo on war supplies
to Japan until she takes her armies out of China.

Incitements to War

Incitements to war will naturally be continuous. There is and will be propa-
ganda, with its inevitable atrocity stories, to be exposed. There will be incidents
infringing upon our rights, and inhuman deeds, against which our emotions will
need to be steeled. There are sympathies to be watched lest they betray us.
Those responsible for forming public opinion will need constantly to ask some
questions and answer them from the unfolding facts. What are the war aims
of the allies? Can the people who helped destroy democracy in Austria, Spain.
and Czecho-Slovakia do anything for it now? Can Hitler and Hitlerism be
stopped by war? Will the victory of the allies produce anything better than it did
at Versailles with all its consequences? How can a repetition, in even worse
form, of the cycle which produced the present disaster, be prevented?

A New Devil

A dangerous feature in recent developments is the propaganda of incitement
against the Soviet Union. It fairly shrieks from the headlines and thunders from
tlie editorials. Stalin has replaced Hitler for most of the American people as the

COMIVrUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK: AREA 2241

devil to be feared. Stories are told one week on the front page and the facts
which deny them are the next week buried in the back of the papers. The Soviets
had betrayed and abandoned China to its fate, we were told. Now come the facts
concerning increased supplies. Tons of Russian gold were on their way to Ger-
many. Now it appears they are in Dutch banks for Soviet purchases in the
United States. Yet our liberals, so shocked by the change in Soviet policy, are
still prepared to believe the worst. Usually they do not even mention, let alone
assess, Chamberlain's part in that change. Our Government talks in sterner
tones * * * to Stalin than to Hitler. It says nothing when two score of our
ships are interned by the allies ; it protests when one is held in a Soviet port.

All this provides the emotional background for what? Among the possibilities
is the cry for a holy war against the pagan Nazis and the atheistic Communists.
The Vatican has laid the groundwork for it. Two of our most widely read col-
umnists are calling for a union of all forces to heat back the barbarians of the
East before they destroy all the values of civilization. In the event of an
alliance between Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia, the cry for a holy war would
develop hysteria overnight in this nation. God is a more powerful sanction for
modern mass slaughter than democracy.

There is another and more cold-blooded prospect for the use of the moral emo-
tions now being aroused against Russia and it coincides with the property in-
terest and the fear of social change suddenly revealed by this animus. The plan
of a section of the British Tories is to restore a reactionary Government in Ger-
many, the kind that we helped to overthrow in 1918. There is talk of bolstering
this by a monarchical Catholic state in central Europe. In any event a i-eac-
tionary Germany is to be turned eastward again, looking toward that attack
upon the Soviet Union which is the historic necessity of the Tory imperialists.
In this eventuality the support of the United States in one way or another is
sought.

In these circumstances those who feel an obligation to pass moral judgments
on the Soviet Union must realize the risk involved. It is the same risk which
was taken by those who passed moral judgments upon Hitler, and they took
precautions to get them executed without war. The least that can be done by
those who stand in a similar position in relation to the Soviet Union is to see
that their judgments are exact and are based on all the facts.

Some Facts

Most of those who now put the actions of the Soviet on the same plane with
those of Hitler, have read only the new.spaper case against the Soviet. Their
side is now available in English through the speeches of Molotov. He declares
their main motivation to be self-protection, with the hope that their course will
make for peace. On questions of fact the British point of view, more hard-headed
than ours despite their more vital interests, supports the Russians on some
points. Chamberlain's latest speech on November 9 says : "On the other hand,
the pact between Germany and the Soviet Union has given indeed great advan-
tages for the Soviet Union, but it has brought only humiliation and loss for
Germany." Chamberlain has odicially justified the Soviet entry into Poland
as a defense measure. And this was not merely a tactical move on the score of
neutrality. The additional fact that he has debarred the Polish Government in
Paris from making any claim to the territory involved indicates his conclusion
that this Government has no moral or legal title to territory which it took by
force from the Soviet contrary to the Versailles decision.

This places the Soviet action against Hitler rather than the Polish Govern-
ment. The technical point in the question of aggression is whether the border
was crossed before or after the Polish Government had ceased to function.
The correspondent of the London Times, who was in the area at the moment,
states that the Government was out of commission. This left the territory either
to Hitler or the Soviet, from which it was originally taken.

Concerning the charge of a previous plan of partition, Gedye, the Moscow
correspondent of the New York Times, with a long and honorable experience in
Vienna and Prague, affirms that he can find no proof of it. The record of the
Soviet of keeping their pledge to Czechoslovakia, publicly confirmed by mem-
bers of that Government, coincides with the charge of the total political oppo-
sition to Chamberlain in England, including many conservatives, that he, and
not the Soviet Union, was responsible for the breakdown of the negotiations
between them. If this is correct it left the Soviet faced with continuous ma-
noeuvres against them with no alternative but to protect themselves as best

2242 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

they could. Their moves can only be understood in the light of the fear psy-
chology developed by continuous attacks upon them, and threats against them,
which are met by Lenin's strategy of playing off one enemy against another in

Tliis explains the policy in relation to the Baltic States and Finland. Weeks
before this developed the Ambassadors of these states in Washington told the
Nev? Republic correspondent that the key to Soviet policy was the impossibihty
of defending Leningrad as long as the approaches to the Gulf of Finland were
controlled by other powers. This is equally true of its nearness to the Finnish
border, and "it involves the whole northern industrial section of Russia proper.
It is the fear of future attack ftom either or both Germany or Great Britain
which dominates the situation. Those who interpret Soviet action only in terms
of power politics, and talk of socialist imperialism, are thinking too narrowly
in their habitual pattern. Those who think that Russia might have stayed
within her own borders usually ignore tactical necessities in the face of ene-
mies in the field, and generally forget that a socialist state in a capitalist world
is still subject to the laws of State nature. Since all States sin the question is,
are these siuners above the others, or below the others, in this modern Jeru-
salem? The answer to that must be found in the terms of their contracts with,
and the future development of, those smaller States which of necessity must
either be in the orbit of Germany, Great Britain, or the Soviet until the day
when there is a commonwealth of socialized nations in Europe. Meantime, the
terms of the Soviet concessions in the Baltic States and Finland should be com-
pared with Hitler's terms in Czecho-Slovakia, Britain's in India and ours in
Cuba.

Our Democracy

The question of the outcome of the moral emotions now being aroused against
the Soviet also has another bearing. Here they are being translated into anti-
Communism, and this is being used under the leadership of Dies in a new red
hunt which promises, under other leadership, to be more intelligent, as well as
more ruthless, than that under Mitchell Palmer after the last war. The foun-
dations of our democracy are being assailed under the cry of saving it from the
reds. Even if we manage to stay out of the war, it is clear that we have a con-
tinuous and difficult job to protect our democratic rights from the massed at-
tack of reaction, using war-time feelings for its dynamic. A later Bulletin will
deal with this question.

A Democratic Peace

Those who seek a democratic peace must begin to work for it now. Because
of the contribution of our economic resources to the allied cause, as well as be-
cause of our security and our professed ideas, we have an obligation as a neu-
tral to secure at the earliest possible moment a conference of all the interested
nations to face the basic issues involved in the War. They are three: the end-
ing of aggression and imperialist domination with restitution for the dispos-
sessed nations and minorities ; disarmament ; meeting the economic needs of all
nations by reciprocal arrangements.

* ******

Our present protests to Japan are entirely in terms of our own trade interests
and lead either to war or a compromising assent to Japanese control in China.

* ******

In the event of an alliance between Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia the
cry for a holy war would develop hysteria overnight. God is a more powerful
sanction for modern mass slaughter than democracy.

Mr. Johnson. I have an article entitled "Two Speeches by Kenneth
Leslie."

Mr. KuNziG- What is the date of the article ?

Mr. Johnson. October-November 1942, the Protestant. The sub-
ject of the article, The Second Front.

This article was written after Hitler's attack on Russia, and it was
in accord with the Connniniist Party's national campaign to compel
America to go along with Soviet Russia on the opening up of a second
front in Europe.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IX THE NEW YORK AREA 2243

Mr. KuN/Jo. I have this document marked "Manning Johnson
Exliibit No. 2G,'' Mr, Chairman, and T offer it into evidence at this
point.

Mr. Clardy. It will be received.

(The article entitled "Two Speeches by Kenneth Leslie" from the
Protestant, October-November ldP2, was received in evidence as Man-
ning Johnson Exhibit No. 2G.)

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 26

(The Protestant, October-November 1942, pp. 47-50)

Two Speeches by Kenneth Leslie'

THE SECOND FRONT

In gangster tilm languiige Fascism is the o'ook district attorney who is using
two gunmen from Murder, Inc. (the Japanese and German nationalists) to do
the dirty heavy vporli on the modern liberal democratic world against which the
Counter Reformation is aimed. After they have done their work they will be
disavowed and double-crossed. Fascism plans to step in later on when the
modern liberal democratic world is staggering from the attentions of the gun-
men, and, strange as it may seem, to save the modern liberal democratic world
from the gunmen — on one condition. The condition will be that it must renounce
its modern ideas of liberalism, equality, democracy, and go back to the obedience,
discipline, and authority of the pre-Reformation era.

In this connection you must certainly have noticed the strange concert of
propaganda drives exalting the virtues of obedience and authority for our youth
and decrying the lack of discipline in our youth. That such propaganda was a
libel on American youth has been amply proved by the nmgnificent discipline
shown by American youth in the Army, in the Navy, in the factory, and in the
merchant marine. This talk of discipline and obedience was brought here and
planted here with Fascist money — the same money that financed Hitler. In other
words, to go back to the Fascist plan whose pattern grows clearer every day — you,
the people, will be saved by those who think they know what is best for you.
You will not only be saved fi-om Hitler-Hirohito Murder, Inc., you will
be saved from yourselves, the people. For you the people as the rulers of your-
selves are the only enemies of those who would rule you. It is as simple as that.
In America the people rule themselves through their President, in England
through their Prime Minister. They are very fortunate and very wise to
have elected Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Churchill as their deputies. Both of these
men can be trusted. You can depend upon them. But can they depend upon
you? You can depend upon them to do your will only if they can depend upon
you to let them knoiv what your icill is.

Many ask : Why bother Mr. Churchill and Mr. Roosevelt about the war?
They know better about it than you can possibly know. They have access to
facts of which, for strategic reasons, you cannot have knowledge. They have
at their elbows all the experts. They don't need your advice. Such an ob-
jection is the objection of a Fascist.

For, leaving aside the somewhat sensitive point about the experts (the ex-
perts haven't fared at all well so far in this war), it is vital to the democratic
cause that the democratic chiefs keep in touch with the people. And (follow
this) it is vital to the Fascist cause that the democratic chiefs ai*e kept out of
touch with the people. That's why I say this is a Fascist objection.

Fascists who literally swarm in the democracies, using democratic methods
and democratic language and democratic protective coloration are putting
pressure directly and indirectly, visibly and invisibly, on our democratic chiefs
who many times cannot recognize it and can hardly protect themselves from it
if they could recognize it, because it comes so well protected and in such legally
regularized forms.

Legal citizens with Fascist hearts bring this pressure twenty-four hours a day,
seven days a week. They are the famous fifth column ; they play for high
stakes, no less than the undoing of the human gains of the past four hundred

^^^^— — ^— ■ III Ml M

iFrora an address broadcast over WFIL, Philadelphia, August 3. 1942, arranged by
the Philadelphia Protestant Associates.

33909— 531— pt. 8 4

2244 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

years ; tbey are thrilled with the thrill of titanic destruction ; they have waited
long and hungrily for this great moment in which they will carry out the ana-
thema against tolerance.

Not only do American and British citizens bring this pressure but the ac-
credited and befriended representatives in Britain and America of Fascist
Spain and Fascist France and Fascist Finland also bring pressure. They bring
pressure not only on our chiefs but upon us, the people, as well, confusing and
bewildering us, but upon their own sorely tried people the Spanish, the French,
the Finnish, who see us entertaining and befriending the representatives of
Fascist power in those unhappy lands. They wonder why we have taken de-
livery of these Fascists in the first place, and why, now that they are linown
and ticketed and catalogued, we do not invite them to leave.

The reason I say that our chiefs need pressure is that they get pressure from
the other side to keep these agents here and if they could receive a little pres-
sure from us who want them out of here, they would be sent out of here. Our
chiefs are not supermen, not fuehrers, just our own deputies, and they very
much depend on popular agitation for every move they make.

Now I have mentioned the friendship, the anomolous friendship, the em-
barrassing friendship we retain for Fascists who are supposed to be our
enemies, and, I have not yet mentioned the topic named for these remarks.
Namely, the second front, which should perhaps better be called simply our
share of the war.

The Russians are doing their share. This is admitted, even by their enemies.
This is admitted by those who call themselves friends of Russia but who look
on Russia only as a convenience and who inwardly hope that she won't become
such a great convenience that she will prove to be an inconvenience. The Rus-
sians are, in fact, fighting the Germans. This much is accepted. The Rus-
sians have suffered heavy losses in men, land and material. Five million men,
600 thousand square miles of land (equal to the land in England, Germany and
France), three quarters of its mineral production and the Ukraine wheatlands.
[This was in August]

More than .50 million Russians now live under the swastika.

These terrible losses may be taken lightly in this counti-y. They may in-
wardly comfort certain haters of the land of socialism. But they are nothing
less than stark tragedy to the Russian people. How can we ask them to
understand our friendship for Mannerheim of Finland who adds the weight
of his Fascist army to their already unbearable woes?

Can yon not see the Russian soldier, the Russian farmer, shaking his head
slowly from side to side and saying to himself: "Second Front. Second Front.
So much talk of a second front * * * yet how is this? Not only is there no
second front * * * not only have we to bear the weight of the whole Nazi army
but the Finnish army as well. They say they can't open a second front. They
say they icant to but can't. What is it tlien that makes them support the
Finnish front against us by recognizing the Finnish Government, long ago
tied hand and foot to the Nazi scorpion?

So you see how these questions are all part of the same question. Fascism
is a world movement. A world conspiracy, woven in one pattern, of one
cloth. Until we, the people, see this, we are lost, and rhetoric cannot save us.
Not even the noble rhetoric of Henry Wallace.

We do not yet see it.

The problem of the opening of the second front is one part of the whole
problem of the world anti-Fascist war which is still not being made. We are
chasing the gunmen while entertaining the crooked district attorney in our
home.

And even if we beat Hitler and Hirohito, the killers, we shall not have helped
ourselves the least bit if in doing so we make any commitments to the polite
district attorney Fascist who let them loose on us in the first place.

With regard to the military aspects of opening a European land front
against the axis, it naturally behooves a lavnian to talk with diffidence and
caution. Only the extreme urgency of the situation forces amateur opinion to
express itself. As I have indicated. I do not believe it is skill we lack. It is will
we lack. And that is my chief concern here today. But even the most skillful
professionals sometimes get so close to their problem that they lose their i)er-
spective. Moreover, although they may think their politics does not influence
them, it does. This political bias was clearly indicated when they predicted
that Russia would fold up before the Nazi drive last year. This was the mili-
tary eye blinded by the political eyeglasses.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2245

So today I stress the political unity of Fascism whose agents and whose
way of thinking are the unrecognized enemy in our midst and whose agents at
least must be put out of our midst before we can save ourselves. It is true
that there is a great risk in giving battle to the Nazis on European soil. We
might be beaten. That is true of any battle. It is not the spirit in which the
Russians fight. It is not the spirit in which the British Commandos fight.
The Canadians will not open the second front in that spirit. They will go in
to win. Their commander, General MacNaughton, knows exactly what he is
up against. Yet he and they are anxious to get over and get it over. This
risk which opponents of giving battle fear, is courted gladly by those who will
have to bear the risk.

Hitler's men, tougher, cockier than ever, if and when they turn West once
more, having (the possibility must be faced) for the time being, stabilized
their Eastern front, will let loose on the concentrated target of Plngland, an
attack which it is horrible to contemplate. Before that happens, before that
can happen, before they get the jump on us (as they have dcme so sickeningly
often) and slaughter our boys in their British camps, let those boys have a
chance to show their stuff.

Now is the time, while Hitler's armies are caught deep in the Caucasus rat-
trap, to spring the trap by opening the Western Front.

Mr. Johnson. I would like to show to the committee an article from
the Protestant, June-July 1942, Whose Property Is This War? by
Kenneth Leslie, in which he calls for the making of Timoshenko, the
Russian military commander, commander in chief of the whole allied
forces.

Mr. KuNziG. I have this marked "Manning Johnson Exhibit No.
27," Mr. Chairman, and offer it into evidence at this point.

Mr. Clardy. It will be received.

(The article. Whose Property Is This War? from the Protestant,

June-July 1942, was received in evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit

No. 27.)

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 27

(The Protestant, June- July 1942, p. 4)

Whose Property Is This War?

By Kenneth Leslie

TIMOSHENKO FOB ALLIED CHIEF

If in the last war, the so-called great war, it became necessary to forge a uni-
fied command under the chieftanship of Marshall Foch, it becomes all the more
necessary in this war, because of its even more complicated nature and its global
character, to achieve a similar single coordinating head.

The people are watching very carefully the materialization of the promised
second front. It could be opened just too late. It could be opened just too little.
Big business is as yet not quite willing to gear its effort wholeheartedly with
Russia, and therefore the gears of the global war are with monotonous repetition
being stripped to the bone-crushing tune of too little, too late.

Any projected second front, in order to be honestly effective, must be geared
to the Russian front for both military and political reasons.

For political reasons, because Russia is the only country without fifth and
sixth columnists. In other words, Russia is where Hitler first found all-out
resistance, and therefore the people of the world, while in nowise withholding
their undying gratitude to the heroic defenders of Madrid and Chunking, must
look upon Russia as the champion anti-Fascist fighter.

For military reasons, because so far Russia alone has been able to speak the
new military language of Germany, having learned it at a time when British
and American military experts were still fumbling with its ABC's.

Since the fronts must be coordinated it appears elementary that the coordina-
tion should be directed by the man most experienced in German war tactics and
of most proven ability to cope with them : That is General Semyon Timoshenko,
who would appear, therefore, to be the logical choice to head the Supreme Mili-
tary Command of the United Nations.

2246 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Let Timoshenko fit the driving shaft to the tread of the allied war machine,
and it will move smoothly and swiftly upon the Axis and will bury it deep in
the bowels of the earth where its stench will fade from the memory of men.

Mr. Johnson. I would like to give you also a quotation from the
Protestant, December-January 1942. The subject is God's Red Army,
I quote :

It is not because Russia has saved us that we thank God for the Red Army.
It is not even because Russia has saved for us the opportunity to save ourselves.
Indeed, it is not because of anything to do with us either individually or na-
tionally. It is simply because of what Russia is and because of the quality of
the Red Array itself, the spiritual quality of its soldiers, the way its soldiers
feel toward its people, the way its soldiers feel toward their enemies — this is
why listening to our inmost voice we hear ourselves thanking God for the Red
Army.

Mr. KuNziG. I have this document in hand, Mr. Chairman, and
offer it as Manning Johnson exhibit No. 28 into evidence.

Mr. Clardy. It may be received.

(The quotation "God's Ked Army," from the Protestant, December-
January 1942, was received in evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit
No. 28.)

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 28

(The Protestant, December-January 1942, pp. 2 and 3)

God's Red Army

"Timoshenko" — Password to Sanity

"Russia has shown wisdom in the distinction she consistently and conspicu-
ously draws between Hitlerite Germany and the German people." — Bishop of
Chichestek.

"Our Red Army men know what they are defending. They are defending the
youngest country in the world, the land of youth. We are the first in the world
to construct a society based not on greed but on the cult of labor, on creative
activity, on human solidarity.

"We defend the land of real culture against barbarism. Dr. Goebbels once
said : 'The printed word nauseates me.' Our reply was to publish Goethe's
works in 700,000 copies in eight languages.

"I saw German fascists humiliating Frenchmen in Paris. In Warsaw they
destroyed the monument of the great Polish poet Mickiewicz ; in our country his
poems are published in hundreds of thousands of copies. In our country
Kirghiz actors come to Moscow. Jubilees of Armenian and Georgian poets are
celebrated throughout our land. It would never occur even to a hooligan to
offend anyone because of his nationality.

"Our youth is defending the great cultural heritage of Russia against the
maniacs who measure genius and heart by the shape of the skull. Our youth
is fighting for our land, for our liberty. They are fighting also for the liberty
of the world. They are fighting for human dignity. They are fighting for the
rights of Paris, desecrated by the executioners, for the University of Prague,
for proud Norway, for the huts of the Serbs, for the Acropolis."

— Ilya Ehrenbourg.

It is not because Russia has saved us that we thank God for the Red Army.

It is not even because Russia has saved for us the opportunity to save ourselves.

Indeed, it is not because of anything to do with us either individually or
nationally.

It is .simply because of what Russia is and because of the quality of the Red
Array itself, the spiritual quality of its soldiers, the way its soldiers feel toward
its people, the way its soldiers feel toward their eneraies. This is why, listening
to our innermost voice, we hear ourselves thanking God for the Red Army.

In fact there are those who put it the other way around : they thank the
Russians for renewing their faith in a God they had begun to doubt. One writes-.

"They have sure pulled nie out of some tough spots. IMy circle of wolves is
small and for that very reason close and ready. When things look black I say
a word to myself, 'Timoshenko.' It is a password to sanity."

COMJMUXIST ACT1\1TIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2247

This is so true. There are many dark spots on tins dark earth which the
sacrificial blood of these selfless Soviet soldiers has brighteued and redeemed.

The Vansittarts and the Duff Coopers of England who repeat the old anti-
German racism to cover their own race egotism should stand in sliame before
the armed citizens of the Soviet. For the Soviet men spurn such criminal
stupidity and regard the German soldiers as their temporarily misguided brothers.

So too the American racist, curbed by the words and actions of that bravely
wise woman, Eleanor Roosevelt, may study to advantage his new ally.

There are some things he must learn from his Russian brother in arms if
both are to live in one world, not white, nor colored, but human. It would be
embarrassing for an American to find himself talking about "tlie yellow bastards"
and to turn around and find a Red soldier reproving him for liis fascist mentality.

"Remember Pearl Harbour" is a poor slogan for the effort of this nation.
Those who are acting on this slogan and those it took such a slogan to unite are
those who fight only on the lowest level, the level of mere survival. Surely we
can do better than this.

"Remember Chungking" for instance would mean that we remembered the
10,000 "Pearl Harbours" we made possible in China during the four years we
dispensed oil and junk to the perpetrator of those 10,000 "Pearl Harbours." A
long way it is to the lost and buried and forgotten conscience of our Western
World. But best of all might be "Remember our humiliating exclusion of the
Japanese." We can only be forgiven our trespasses if we remember that we
trespassed.

Mr, Johnson. I would like also to submit to you an article from the
Protestant, April 1939; the subject, "Why Not Be Fair to the Soviet
Union ? " by Jerome Davis.

Mr. Clardy. That, I assume, to further identify it, is just another
twist in the party line.

Mr. Johnson. Yes. I specifically wish to call the attention of the
committee to the last 5 paragraphs.

Mr. KuNziG. I have this document marked "Manning Johnson Ex-
hibit No. 29," and I offer it into evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit
No. 29, Mr. Chairman.

Mr. Clardy. It will be received.

(The article. Why Not Be Fair to the Soviet Union? from the
Protestant, April 1939, was received in evidence as Manning Johnson
exhibit No. 29.)

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 29
(The Protestant, April 19.39, pp. 57 and 58)

Why Not Be Fair to the Sov^ET Union?
[Excerpt]

By Jerome Davis

Christianity has for nearly two thousand years proclaimed its high ideals to
the world. The Sermon on the Mount, if it was actually carried out would
shatter and supersede our existing capitalistic system. Yet after two thousand
years we still have lynchings in the United States, gross exploitation of labor,
and even shootings in the back of innocent workers by the state.

Communism has perhaps come nearer to bringing in equality and justice for
the common working class in twenty years than the Czar's Christianity had in
centuries. Let us recognize then that given another hundred years Russia may
make some progress towards more freedom of expression. She may perhaps
modify her drastic treatment of opponents. At least as Christians confronted
with the horrible crimes of wars supported in the name of Christianity we can
hardly afford to throw stones.

Strange as it may seem the Soviet Union has a more consistent peace record
than any other nation. It has offered completely to disarm to any point on which
the other nations can agree. It is the Christian nations that have blocked dis-
armament.

2248 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE NEW YORK AREA

Her successes have come because she has struggled to abolish exploitation and
bring in justice for the working class of the world. In doing this she has met
with violence from the so-called Christian forces and her philosophy is to meet
violence with violence, if that is necessary.

Nothing that has here been said is intended to imply that no serious evils exist
within the Soviet Union, but rather that in the endeavor to bring about inter-
national peace and good will, we ought at least to understand one another. Those
who genuinely understand the Soviet Union will go back to their own countries,
determined to do all in their power to end exploitation and bring about justice-
at home before they begin to throw stones abroad.

Dr. Jerome Davis, who taught for thirteen years at the Yale Divinity School,
is again taking a very select group to Europe this summer for the Bureau of
University Travel. The group will visit eleven countries, interviewing the
leaders in the governments as well as taking in the major points of interest.

Last summer, in London, the group met with Malcolm McDonald, British
Minister of Colonies ; spent an evening with Professor Harold Laski of the London
School of Economics ; conferred with the well-known author, G. D. H. Cole ; and
heard the Foreign Minister, Lord Halifax,

The total cost of the trip. New York to New York, is $695, including all
expenses.

The cooperative movement will be studied in Denmark and Sweden.

All those interested should write immediately to Dr. Davis at 489 Ocean
Avenue, West Haven, Connecticut, for further information, since the number
who can go is limited.

Mr. Johnson. I have one further amazing example, Mr. Clardy,
that I would like to give to the committee. It purports to be a letter
from one Daniel James, theoretically a sailor in the United States mer-
chant marine, written to Christ, dated Murmansk, U. S. S. R., May
10, 1942. This is a photostat from the Protestant, pages 38 and 39 in
the October-November issue of 1942. The article purports to show
that all is milk and honey in Russia, and that in Russia is the new
rebirth of freedom and religious purity such as is associated with
Christianity.

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Chairman, I have this document in my hand
marked "Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 30," and I offer it in evidence
at this time.

Mr. Clardy. It will be received, even though it is almost a sacrilege
to bring it into the record.

Mr. KuNZiG. It certainly is.

(The article from the Protestant, October-November 1942, appear-
ing on pages 38 and 39, was received in evidence as Manning Johnson
exhibit No. 30.)

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 30

(The Protestant, October-November 1942, pp. 38 and 39)

Meditation At Murmansk

Daniel James was on the "Lahaina" when she was torpedoed in the Pacific^
spent 10 days in an open boat before reaching land, immediately shipped on
another boat to Murmansk. That boat was bombed continuously for 10 days by
German airplanes. It was after this experience and while Murmansk was under
hourly bombing that the following letter was written.

Murmansk, USSR
May 10, 1942
Dear Christ :

After your death new continents and lands were discovered. Cities grew and
man's mind grew with them, and learned to comprehend many of nature's mys-
teries.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2249

Great churches made of carved stone and stained glass, small humble churches
of wood and clay, and the church out in the clearing with a stump for a pulpit,
they were all used as places to pass on to others your teachings. They called it
Christianity after you. Man today, however, is still pretty much the man you
knew. Christianity, since your time, has been through hard straits as well as
periods in which it flourished. In some countries it became too powerful ; all
meaning and thought behind your teachings was lost, and in your name, Jesus,
fraud, lies, murder, promotion of schemes to rob honest men of their bread and
to keep them ignorant, promotion of schemes to create war and betrayal, they
were all committed in your name. Millions of good people have been deceived by
the Church. "Through our Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ * * *," an expression
it uses ; behind those words plans that made poor working men starve and inno-
cent children to learn evil and hatred, were veiled.

My home is in America, a relatively new country, one that was discovered
only 400 years ago. Tonight, and for a little while, I'm living in Soviet Russia,
a land 5,000 miles from home. The whole world is at war now. Twenty-five
years ago the world was in another war. When the dust of battle had cleared,
the world looked and saw a new Russia, one in which there was no church . . .
I was taught to believe that this land of Russia was a pit of hell, in which men
starved, children walked in bare feet, and women were reduced to the level
of some gear in one of our new machines. It was a Godless country in which
people walked the streets with sad and hungry faces.

The teachers, the newspapers, and friends did not tell me the truth. It is
a Godless country in that the Church is not recognized as it is in other places
and your name is not used as a screen for evil. These people call their gov-
ernment Communism. In your doctrine I see a marked similarity to the con-
stitution of these people. You, Christ, were the first to really preach the brother-
hood of man. You were the first Communist. There have been many real Com-
munists since your time. They were individuals. Here the great masses are
composed of Communists. A woman is as good as a man here. One was the
Captain of a ship that came in today. Another is directing the men who are
unloading the ships. The people have the necessities of life such as food, a
home, and clothing. Luxuries they lack because of the war. All walk and work
with determination as though they were going someplace and had a real job
to do, one that is their own, one affecting themselves. There is singing and
laughter such as one would find among a contented people. All in all, one can
say that these people have something to live for and they know it.

The rest of the world has been taught and bred to hate Communism and to
associate the word with savagery, butchery, barbarism, hunger, and human de-
gradation. And the very word implies man living with man as brother living
with brother.

Well, Jesus, I've written about enough. I just thought that you would like
to know that since your death, while you have been crucified in many countries
and on many pulpits, far worse than that time on Calvary Hill, your spirit has
been reborn in a great people whether consciously or unconsciously. They do not
speak of you nor is your name mentioned. All you have is the great happiness
of seeing carried out your principles of brotherhood and justice among men on
earth. May the rest of the world's workers lift up their eyes to Russia.

So long,

Daniel James,
Sailor in the U. 8. Merchant Marine.

Mr. Johnson. I would like to submit to the committee an article in
the Protestant entitled "Poison Well and the Dean's Book," in which
they advocate all ministers should read the dean's book; that is, the
Red dean, Hewlett Johnson, entitled, "The Soviet Power."

Mr. KuNziG. I have this document marked "Manning Johnson
Exhibit No. 31," Mr. Chairman. I now offer it into evdence at this
time.

Mr. Clardy. It will be received.

(The article, Poison Well and the Dean's Book, from the Protestant,
was received in e\ddence as Manning Johnson exhibit No. 31.)

2250 COIVIMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 31
(The Protestaut, October-November 1941, pp. 10 and 11)

Poison Well and the Dean's Book

Our ministers are one of our important opinion-making groups. They get
their information necessarily and much of their viewpoint from newspapers and
magazines and books.

When the news is poisoned at the source, as for instance the news of Russia
has been poisoned at the source during the past 20 years, the result is tliat our
ministers all innocently and unwittingly have been giving their people false news
and views.

That is why we have recommended that the Dean's book, The Soviet Power, be
read. The chief cry against the Dean's book is that it leaves out the dark side
of the Russian picture — the ruthless purges, for instance, of those the Russians
said were traitors but our organs of news and views said were simply anti-
Stalinists.

Now, criminally late, along comes Joseph E. Davies, who was American ambas-
sador to Russia and who attended the treason trials in person. He confesses in
the American Magazine (Dec.) he was wrong about them. He says he "missed
the boat." He says they were treason trials. He says that through them the
traitors and fifth columnists were weeded out in time. He says this is "the real
story behind the Russian purges — and one of the chief explanations for the
magnificent Russian resistance to the Nazi juggernaut."

So those who have been hiding the Dean's book behind the bookcase can bring
it out into the open now and read aloud the liberating truth that is in it. It has
sold well over a million copies although this is not mentioned in the best seller
lists. Read it. Pass it on. It clears the fog of the past two decades. It shows
us Russia and it shows us ourselves. We will send you a bundle of 20 copies for
the very low price of $1.

Mr. Johnson, I would like to offer to the committee for their
consideration a letter written by Anna Louise Strong to the editor
of the Protestant, in the October-November 1941, edition. Anna
Louise Strong, as you know, was editor of the Moscow News and was
for years one of the most active agents for the Communist Inter-
national.

Mr. Claedy. Yes; we have considerable evidence in our records
about her. and so do other committees.

Mr. Doyle. Was her father Josiah Strong, a preacher?

Mr. Johnson. Her father was a minister, I think, somewhere out
in Nebraska.

Mr. KuNziG. I have this document marked "JNIanning John.«;on Ex-
hibit No. 32," Mr. Chairman, and offer it into evidence at this time.

Mr. Clardy. It will be received.

(The letter written hj Anna Louise Strong in the Protestant, Oc-
tober-November 1941, was received in evidence as Manning Johnson
Exhibit No. 32.)

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 32

(The Protestant, October-November 1941, pp. 105 and 106)

Letters to the Editor

I was delighted to read in this morning's paper of the statement that 1,000
Protestant clergymen have made about the U. S. S. R.

I wonder whether you are aware of the extent to which the whole question
of religious freedom is especially being used by the Vatican to force the country
open to its missionaries. * * * Ever since the Tsar fell, and the Orthodox
Church lost its strong political-religious head, the Vatican has hoped to annex
the Orthodox Church. It has been training large numbers of priests especially
for the purpose ; some of them are already in the German-occupied areas. They

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IX THE NEW YORK AREA 2251

have a centuries-old dream of uniting the two great "Catholic" branches of the
faith under Rome.

What prevents them is the fact that Soviet law grants freedom of "worship"
to the individual but no freedom of "propaganda" to the hierarchy ; it does not
allow foreign missionaries to come in. Soviet citizens may worship as they
like, and their right to so worship is implemented by granting them the free use
of church buildings, etc., etc. However, the legal ownership of these buildings
is vested in the municlpalit,y, and not in the hierarchy ; citizens get them in
pursuance of their "right to worship" as citizens, and not as a result of any
particular brand of faith.

Therefore the Soviet property law acts as a decentralizing influence on the
church, and prevents any hierarchy from using its control of property to
enforce control of creed. This was from the first the chief cause of the fight
between Kremlin and Vatican. * * * Today, the Vatican wants the right to
send in missionaries, maintain parochial schools, etc. * * * A very small use
of funds and personnel would "revive" a lot of rather moribund old churches,
whose congregations find it hard to support their priests. Their pressure, plus
outside world pressure, might even be used to revoke the property law and give
the Vatican control of buildings.

You will note that the Archbishop of Canterbury is not pushing the crusade
for religious freedom. The Church of England has good fraternal relations
with the Orthodox Church and doesn't want these complicated by a sudden influx
of high-powered missionaries and funds from Rome.

Anna Lotjise Strong.

Nexo York, N. Y.

[We are glad to have this word from Anna Louise Strong, but must correct its
correction slightly. She says that "Soviet law grants freedom of 'worship' to
the individual but not freedom of 'propaganda' to the hierarchy." Not only from
the hierarchy does the Soviet law withhold freedom of propaganda but from anti-
hierarchical (even antiecclesiastical) Baptists, most of whom are devoted sup-
porters of the Soviet regime. There may be a reason for this, but of the fact
there can be no doubt.

I recently spoke to a large meeting of Armenians in New York. These Armen-
ians were all small merchants and therefore not sympathetic to communism.
Yet there was unanimity among them in the conviction that the Armenian
Church was flourishing in Soviet Armenia. This state of affairs was attributed
by the speakers (including an Archbishop) to the fact that their church is in
no degree involved in political ambitions. — K. L.]

Mr. Johnson. I have another article here from the Protestant
which gloats over the passage of the atomic power from the "West to
the East and is smug over the fact that Russia stole the atomic bomb,
and the article speaks also in favor of Mao against the United States.
It is in the January-February-March issue of 1950 of the Protestant,

Mr. KuNZiG. I have this document in my hand and have it marked
"Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 33," and I now offer it in evidence,
Mr. Chairman, at this time.

Mr. Clardy. It will be received.

(The article from the Protestant, January-February-March 1950,
was received in evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit No. 33.)

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 33

(The Protestant, January-February-March 1950, vol. VIII, No. 6, pp. 4-6)

Tito and the Balance op Power

Louis Adamic is one of the returning travelers from Yugoslavia (he is a native
Yugoslav) who have become champions of Tito in his defection from the Russian
side of the world struggle.

In his paper Trends & Tides Adamic says he tried to get into Russia and told
the Russian oflScials that he wanted to visit the Soviet Union before going any-
where else because "in the making of peace her responsibility was equal to
America's." Yet Adamic admits that the Unites States is "the world's greatest
povp'er." Power carries responsibility. The greater the power the greater the

2252 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

responsibility. Therefore Russia's responsibility in the making of peace cannot
be equal to America's.

Another admission by Adamic: "* * * without her (U. S. S. R.'s) existence
■Communists could not have so much as dreamed of a revolution in Yugoslavia."

An even more primary fact should be faced : The Soviet Union has been in a
state of siege through the whole of her existence right down to the date on which
you read these words. True, her influence and power have grown through the
years. She is however, even with China and the bomb, not yet strong enough to
balance the world coalition against her.

When that day of balance arrives, and not before then shall we have the
conditions necessary to begin to make order in the world. These conditions will
be such a close approach to equality, industrial and military, between the two
power blocs that one side will not be tempted to attack the other.

Since at present the preponderance of power is on the American side it is
obvious that the cause of peace is set back by each further accession of power to
that side. That is why the defection of Tito to the American side is such a blow
to peace.

For we are still living in an era of power politics in which unbalance or pre-
ponderance of one power group is latent war. Our destruction of Hiroshima was
an act of war against Russia, to push her out of the Pacific. Our seizure of the
Pacific bases was an act of war against Russia, the act of a power so awe-inspiring
that the rest of the world, including Russia, opened its mouth and said nothing.

The defeat of Germany, Italy, and Japan and the Civil War in China left great
power vacuums. The allies of Russia, suddenly turned enemies, tried to fill these
vacuums. Up to date they have control of Italy, Japan, and two-thirds of
Germany. China they missed out on, but it will take time for China to get
herself industrially organized. So that preponderance of power as of this instant
remains with the American coalition.

In other words Russia is not yet free from her state of siege. Her enemies
are quick to take advantage of any opening. Their aim is clear. It is called
containment. It is really elimination — destruction. Their organizations of
espionage are constantly on the lookout for vv^eak spots in the ring of Russia's
friendly nations. They prepare sabotage and defection. They bribe. They
corrupt. They stir up counterrevolution.

It was Chesterton who said that the principal objection to a quarrel is that it
interrupts an argument. It is too bad that the United Nations Assembly could
not be the scene of an argument between Vishinsky and the Yougoslav Bebler.
But the premise of such an argument has been undermined. The premise of
argument is mutual respect. Tlie Russian people respect the Yugoslav people,
but they cannot respect a regime which Truman and Bevin are using against
Russia, the only bulwark defending that same Yugoslavia from counterrevolution
and conquest by Capitalism !

TWO JUSTICES

The war today is a war between two justices. One is Capitalist and the
other is Communist. One calls itself Christian and holds property sacred. The
other calls itself materialist and holds human beings sacred. The war between
these two is seen clearly in Italy where peasants are taking away property from
big landowners and dividing it up among themselves. This is the ending of a
long and fruitless argument. This is a difference resolved by force.

And right here the same thing should be noticed that Adamic noticed about
Yugoslavia and that Mao Tse-tung proclaimed about China. This thing could
not have happened unless the Soviet had built a backlog of power behind it.
Here is an example, one of many, of how the moral power of the Soviet Union
is growing. The Gasperri government is moving to relieve land hunger in Italy
in answer to the moral challenge of Communism.

This kind of thing is happening all over the world. Right here in America
there is a recent quickening of a long-lapsed movement to redress color discrim-
ination. In this movement we are being forced by world public opinion to answer
the challenge of the Communist victory over color discrimination. We say :
Christianity theoretically knows no color discrimination. Shall we allow Com-
munists to be better Christians than we are and to shame us before the
non-Christian world?

So we are morally paced by the Communists !

The same thing will some day happen to our "property justice" which protects
the exploitation of labor for profit. This too will go on the defensive when the
news gets out that people can enjoy life without exploiting each other. When
this happens the war will be at an end.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2253

But today there is only force majeure, call it bullying if you like. Vishinsky
said, "I hit you with facts, you hit me with votes." At last, however, one of
Vishinsky's facts talked the language that bullies understand: Russia joined
the ranks of the atomic powers. We have dealt with the meaning of that event
in another place.

It takes time for events to work out their moaning. And no one can predict
exactly how they will work out. The important thing is to hold fast to the basic
realities. In a world struggle such as is going on today, in which for the first
time in recorded history there is a real chance for a great revolution to resist
the tides of counterrevolution and "stay put," there is no room for any individual,
nation, or regional group of nations to put its fate above the fate of the world.

Let us never forget that the infant Spanish Republic was murdered in its
cradle before the Soviet Power had tempered her steel in a terrible war and had
become a great world power.

Capitalist "civilization" sided with the murderers, took the risk of helping
them perpetrate their crime because Russia at that time was in no position
to prevent it. If you ask Mao Tse-tung why the Capitalist nations didn't do
the same job on the Chinese Republic, he will tell you that it was because the
Soviet power was absent from no battle of the Chinese Revolution, no skirmish
however small. Not by sending soldiers or arms, but by being in the world, a
strong threat to the political abortionists.

It is Soviet Power which protects the integrity of Poland and the other peo-
ple's governments today. It is Soviet Power which no whit less protects the
Yugoslavs, as too it protects China and all the revolutionary peoples of Asia.
The United States is, as Walter Lippmann says, "not in a position to overthrow
Mao Tse-tung * * * to defend Hong Kong or to seal the borders of Indochina,
Siam, and P>urma. * * * Any attempt on our part to rely on military power —
particularly when we cannot exercise it in the area concerned — can result only
in the destruction of our influence."

There it is from a conservative who keeps his head on his shoulders. Don't
interfere where you can't interfere. But he doesn't quite come clean with the
why. That "why" is Soviet Power, the same "why" the new Chinese Republic is
born and thrives. That is what Mao says.

Perhaps it is not too late for the Yugoslavs to realize their mistake in letting
go of the rock on which they founded their federation. Somehow, at whatever
cost, they must get back there where they started.

Mr. Johnson. That ends that part of it.

Mr. Clardy. Let the record show we shall recess at this point until
9 : 30 a. m. tomorrow.

( Wliereupon, at 4 : 22 p. m., the hearing recessed to 9 : 30 a. m. Tues-
day, July 14, 1953.)

INVESTIGATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE
NEW YOEK CITY AREA— PAKT 8

(Baf^ed on Testimony of Manning Johnson)

TUESDAY, JULY 14, 1953

United States House of Representatives,

Subcommittee of the Committee on

Un-Aivierican Activities,

Washington^ D. G.
executive session^

The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities
met, pursuant to adjournment, at 10 a. m., in room 225-A, Old House
Office Building, Washington, D. C, Hon. Kit Clardy presiding.

Committee members present : Representatives Kit Clardy and Clyde
Doyle.

Staff members present : Robert L. Kunzig, counsel.

Mr. Clardy. Proceed, Counsel.

Mr. Kunzig. All right.

TESTIMONY OF MANNING JOHNSON— Resumed

Mr. Johnson. I have here an article in my hand from the Protestant
entitled "God and Starvation — a True Story by Cedric Belfrage."

Mr. Kunzig. Is that the same Cedric Belfrage who appeared before
this committee in New York in May of this year and took the fifth
amendment, refusing to answer questions as to whether he had given
espionage material to the Russians during the war as charged by
Elizabeth Bentley in public testimony ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes.

Mr. Clardy. May I interject? As I recall, we asked him some ques-
tions about his writing in the magazine in question, the Protestant,
and I think he took the fifth amendment on that also.

Mr. KuNziQ. Mr. Chairman, I have that in my hand, a photo-
static copy of the article, entitled, "God and Starvation — a True
Story," marked "Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 34," and I ask that
same be admitted into the record.

Mr. Clardy. It will be received.

(The article, God and Starvation — a True Story, from the Prot-
estant was received in evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit No. 34.)

' Released by the full committee.

2255

2256 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 34

(The Protestant, October-November 1941, pp. 66-75)

God and Starvation — A Teue Story

(By Cedric Belfrage)

" — Hefner vpent away."

[CJondensed from two chapters of South of God, the Life of Claude Williajms,
by Cedric Belfrage ; Modern Age, New York]

"Yes . . . but it's my job to minister to all people. I can't take sides."
"But don't you see that by your very silence you are taking sides? Siding tcith
mealtli and property against the multitudes for whoru the Nas:arene stood?"
« * *****

There was a strike in Fort Smith, Ark. Relief workers there had been getting
30 cents an hour and averaged 2 or 3 days' work a week. Some were only doing
12 hours a week. The funds to create these jobs came from Washington, but the
administration of the work was in the hands of State authorities, under a
governor who was a planter. These authorities had advised Washington that
southern workers did not need as much relief as northern workers; they were
used to wearing less and eating less. The rate of pay had to be fixed so low that it
could not tempt the cotton slaves away from the plantations. And now the
miners' union contract was about to expire; and it was planned to cut their
wages again ; but in order to force the miners to take this cvit, relief -work pay
had also to be reduced. The relief workers were told they would now receive
20 instead of 30 cents an hour. It was the last straw, and they declared a
strike.

The strike leader was a miner named Horace Bryan. There was a Govern-
ment official there appointed to investigate destitution in the State. This man's
name was Rev. Claude Williams of the Presbyterian Church.

Bryan one day went to the jail to demand release of a striker who had been
illegally arrested. Instead of releasing the striker they locked Bryan up with
him.

On the day before Bryan's trial Claude led a great hunger march through
the streets of Fort Smith. Whites, Negroes, Mexicans, and Indians marched
behind him singing hymns. The people of property in Fort Smith watched the
faces of the marchers as they went by singing, and smelled trouble. The faces
of the marchers said they were hungry even more plainly than the banners they
carried, but the people of property saw only a band of cutthroats menacing law
and order. It looked like revolution, and the word tightened the lips and
hardened the hearts of all good citizens.

The court was so jammed for the trial of Bryan that the architect of the
court house was called in to announce it might collapse if some people did not
leave. Nobody left. Nearly all the people in the court were strikers. They sat
very quiet and silent. To ease the tension the judge offered some humorous
and sarcastic remarks, but nobody laughed. Sweat beaded his flat brow and he
looked increasing uneasy. Claude was summoned as a witness, but was put on
trial as if he were accused with Bryan.

The judge seemed to feel the atmosphere was not right for passing sentence
on Bryan, and the verdict was postponed over the weekend. Bryan was allowed
free on bail. After the session Claude applied to the judge for permission
to hold a Sunday afternoon service for the strikers there in the court house.

"I know it's an unusual request. Judge," he said, "but it would give these
people something to do to prevent violence. It is bitter cold outside and they
have nowhere else to go. It would keep the struggle on a high ethical basis."

"You can keep your struggle on a high ethical basis in the ball park," said the
judge. "But I'd advise you to leave these men alone."

Claude held his service in the ball park. It was not actually freezing, but the
great crowd of strikers who came to worship and hear Claude preach were sooa
blue with cold, for they were half naked. The sheriff, mayor, and judge came
with detectives and policemen and stood on the crowd's edge, snugly overcoated.
The strikers, white and black and brown, prayed and sang together. The re-
spectable ministers of Fort Smith had refused to attend the service, but five
lowly lay preachers cooperated with Claude.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2257

A Negro preacher led the people in prayer. Claude preached on the text:
"Wherefore criest thou unto me? Speak unto the children of Israel that they
go forward." He said that it was the strikers' unshaken solidarity, not the fear
of violence, that was giving the respectable citizens of Fort Smith the jitters.
After the service he tried to speak to the sheriff and police to make them under-
stand the peaceful intentions of the strikers. They walked away and would
not speak to him.

Next afternoon another hunger march was arranged. The strikers planned to
meet for prayers in a field on the edge of the city, then march across town. In
the morning the mayor sent a message that there must he no march.

There was in effect a declaration of martial law. The strikers sent word back
to the mayor: "This is America. We can march. If there is any law against it,
it is unconstitutional."

The mayor telephoned that gas bombs would be thrown to disperse any march,
and hoses would be turned on the people. Claude replied that they would all be
glad to take a bath together. The mayor said : "If this march is attempted, there
will be bloodshed. There will be murder."

Then Claude telephoned the police, telling them the route of the march and the
number of marchers, and asking for protection. The mayor, he said, had
threatened violence, but there would be no violence from the marchers. They
intended to shed no blood.

"There isn't going to be any march," the police chief said.

"We're going to attempt it."

"And we'll attempt to break it up."

"That is probably to be expected."

The strikers assembled, and Claude spoke to them from an improvised plat-
form, on which an American flag had been placed.

A poor preacher led the people in prayer. As they stood with bowed heads, a
line of police cars drew up. The police chief with some men charged on to the
platform, pushing the prayer leader and Claude to the ground, and knocking the
flag askew.

"Watch out for that flag !" said Claude.

"To hell with the flag ! It's you I want."

Claude urged the strikers : under no circumstances, whatever might be done to
them, must they let themselves be provoked. If the hose was turned on them
they must walk right through it. They must not carry so much as a pocketknife.

Claude, Bryan, and the others were piled into a police car filled with guns and
gas bombs. A policeman was clutching Claude with trembling fist as if he were
some dangerous criminal.

At the jail the men who had been arrested for praying on the public street to
the God of the poor asked to see the warrants for their arrest. The police officials
looked at them as if to warn them this was no time for the funny stuff, and put
them into cells.

Claude and Bryan were in a 14-by-lO foot cell with 6 others who introduced
themselves as Mike Chibuski, Dennis Rome, Frank and Demas Ray, .Tack Brown,
and Jimmle Reynolds. The boys were already used to jail routine and passed
the time playing poker and talking sex. One of them had syphilis and another
had gonorrhea.

In a corner was a nouflushable receptacle, encrusted and undisinfected, for
the use of all the guests. Some of the bunks were bare and some had filthy,
sour-smelling pads and blankets. Lying about the floor were tin cups and spoons
which, Mike Chibuski said, were passed down through the years without clean-
ing. The floor was dirty and the unventilated cell was full of stifling dust.

Later another guest arrived in the cell and reported what the boys were say-
ing around town : that the vigis would be calling at the jail at 2 in the morning
to take Claude and Bryan for a ride into Oklahoma.

It sounded not improbable, but there was nothing they could do about it.

Claude woke in the grey dawning and was surprised to find he was still there.
Joyce was allowed to see him during the morning. She told him through the
bars that their house had been raided during the night by the police who had
warned her of worse to come. The whole city was a piece of tinder, she said,
ready to flare up at the drop of a pink hat. People were acting as though pos-
sessed by devils.

In the afternoon Bryan was taken to court and sentenced to 6 months and a
$500 fine. Then Claude and the others were called and charged with barratry,
and their bail set at $1,200 each. The judge managed to crack off several good
jokes during the brief business.

2258 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Bryan was put in another cell, and Claude felt alone and depressed. Joyce
had said she would be back before evening and she had not come, and he Kept
thinking of the way the police had threatened her. His fears for her and tlie
children combined with the uncertainty of his own position, wondering when
the vigilantes might come to take him out for a ride, made sleep impossible.

The dawn came grey and cold and he was still there. He had not slept at nil
and he felt dirty. He needed a shave, and in order to get it he had to let the .jail
barber use on liim the same razor he had been using on the syphilitic. He was
allowed to take a bath, without any towel, in a filthy bathroom. He complained
of the conditions to the sheriff, but the sheriff looked oddly at him for a minute
and said he could not do anything.

The day wore on. His attorney came with Joyce and said that during the
night two of the relief workers who were trying to lead the strike had l)eeu
taken for a ride by masked men, and threatened with lynching.

When he was brought into the courthouse the building was filled with a great
crowd of overalled workers with dirty, weary, hungry faces. All the people
who had gathered for the hunger march were there, and hundreds more. They
covered the courthouse square and steps, filled the lobby and the staircase lead-
ing to the courtroom. Against the walls squatted Negroes and Indians, who
had been waiting since early morning to see their preacher.

The sight of the great crowd lifted Claude's spirit. The sheriff, whose breath
was perfumed with whiskey, went through the press of Negroes and white trash,
kicking them aside to make a lane.

The courtroom was packed tight. The flat-headed .iudge, wearing a red tie,
sat back in his chair and dribbled from the corners of his mouth. Forty or
fifty vigilantes were packed in on either side of him. The jurymen were hard-
bitten types, lean and vindictive looking.

Tlie preacher looked about to see if any of his fellow ministers had come, but
he saw only Rabbi Teitelbaum sitting near the front. A quick look of under-
standing passed between him and the rabbi, who was evidently suffering, aware
of his impotence.

The court would not try the group of arrested men together. Chiude was
taken first. He was public enemy No. 1 in Fort Smith.

A feeling of calm settled upon him and that queer detachable part of himself
flew up into the rafters and looked down impersonally on the scene, laughing.
The trial was a buffoonery. The workers in the body of the court sat very still.
The faces of the jurymen were hard like granite, except when the prosecuting
attorney found some especially vile thing to say about Claude, when they nudged
one another and grinned knowingly. The judge comfortable on his throne with
the vigilantes about him, sneered humorous asides from time to time.

Delighting in his role of defender of the faith against a devil in priest's
clothing, the prosecuting attorney dramatized himself with shouts and stamping.
There was little chance for Claude to say anything, but when he could, he
answered the fantastic questions with dignity and wit.

After 2 or 3 hours of it night had fallen, and there was a recess. One of the
vigilantes walked up and down many times shaking his head and staring at
Claude, as if to say : "We've got you where we want you now." The workers
crowded past him and stood 10 deep at the rail, reaching for the preacher's hand
and calling out:

"Hi, Preacher ! Good work ! Keep it up."

Claude strolled inside the rail, shaking their hands and joking with them.
Finally the judge banged his gavel and shouted humorously :

"Reverend Doctor Mister Williams! Will you set down? These ipeople have
been mighty good so fur and I don't want you stirring them up !"

The court would not allow any relevant evidence at all to be presented. It
might as well be gotten over with quickly without bringing others into it.

No defense witnesses were called. The jury found him guilty of barratry
in less than 10 minutes. He was sentenced to 90 days and a $100 fine.

Claude appealed the case and went back to jail with the sheriff. There was
nothing to do but wait for his bond to be raised and accepted.

He had kept up his spirit in court, but tlie jail was beginning to get on his
nerves. The dirt and the stink of excrement and the talk of some of his cell
mates, degraded by brutish social forces, nauseated him. The thought of his
children, who might be without food and certainly were in danger, would not
leave him.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2259

During the night a mad boy in the next cell began to do some extraordinary
imitations of birds and animals. The prisoners yelled at him to stop, but he
persisted, and linally Claude hi^ard the jailers go in and beat him. The mad
boy was silent after that, but it was impossible to sleep. The boy's cries rang
in his ears.

As he had left the courthouse he had been able to sense the tension in the
crowd ; he had read the vigilantes' faces and heard them nnitteriug threats, and
he knew they were liable to come any time. They might be afraid to lynch
him because of the inllueiilial friends they knew he had outside the State, and
because he was a minister. But if the mob frenzy were great enough, such
considerations would not stop them. His life hung perhaps in a scales and
it was just a question whether hysteria or caution tipped the balance.

Another dawn, and Claude was still unlyiiched. He began to think this danger
was iiassing and maybe soon he might be able to have some sleep.

When be bad i)een there 2 weeks and the authorities were still making dif-
ficulties about bail, Claude decided to try and call the local nunisters' hand. He
was a minister officially in good standing, shut up in a cell on a technicality of
the law ; a mere $1,200 bond stood in the way of his liberation ; yet not one
preacher of Christ in Forr Smitli had so much as come to the jail. Rabbi Teitel-
baum had come, he had heard, to ask whether bail had been arranged. Accord-
ing to Joyce, only one intluential man in the rabbi's congregation had been able
to save him from violence which the citizens wanted to visit upon him for this
action. Teitelbaum, the Jew, was risking much to act like a Christian.

Claude asked his lawyers to call the ministers to the jail to see him. None
came save Hefner, who as moderator of the Presbytery could not refuse the plain
request. He was embarrassed at the meeting. He had never been inside a jail
before and knew nothing of what went on. Claude asked him whether he could
not help in the bonding matter without involving himself.

"I don't know," Hefner said. "There are so many angles to it. I cannot
sympathize with agitators. I don't see what they hope to accomplish, striking
against the Government when they are on ?harity. It isn't a minister's place to
lead strikes and stir up hatred. He must be a friend to all."

"But we were in prayer when they arrested us. It was not we who stirred
up trouble."

"Yes — but it's my job to minister to all people. I can't take sides."

"P>ut don't you see that by your very silence you are taking sides? Siding with
wealth and property against the midtitudes for whom the Nazarene stood?"

Hefner went away.

By the 18th day, with his friends outside still working feverishly to bail him
out, the jail was getting Claude seriously down. The noises and smells were
like knives cutting deep into his brain, and he could not keep the cell walls from
closing in on him to crush him; the sensation was so sharp that he almost
cried out.

A drunk had been brought in that evening and, to add to the din, he was yelling
a mad song. The jailer went to a woman's cell, and everyone listened to the
sound of the rubber hose on her body until her shrieks died away.

It was the last night of Claude's postgraduate course in the pain of the despised
and rejected. They took the woman out on a stretcher in the morning, still un-
conscious. Soon afterward Claude's bail was paid and Joyce took him home.

Legends about the Red preacher spread fast. A Paris friend of Claude's came
into Fort Smith some days later. He went to see the judge who had finally
allowed the bond, and asked where Claude was.

"He's gone," the judge said. "We think he ought to be in hell, but we can't do
a thing to him. He's got friends all over the world. I've a stack of telegrams
that high on my desk from his friends all trying to meddle in Fort Smith affairs.
*******

Mr. Jonxsox. That is an article about Claude Williams whom I
knew when I was a member of the Communist Party, as a Communist.

Mr. Cl.\rdy. That is tlie Reverend Claude Williams^

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; that is right.

Mr. KuNziG. As long as we are on this subject, can you give us a
bit of information from your own persotial knowledge about Rev.
Claude C. Williams?

33909— 53— pt. 8 5

2260 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EN THE NEW YORK AREA

Mr. Johnson. Yes. Rev. Claude C. Williams was a member of the
Communist Party during the period that I was a member. He organ-
ized what was knoAvn as the People's Institute of Applied Eeligion,
an organization that was set up for the purpose of using the Scriptures
as a means of inciting social rebellion; that is, the culling from the
Scriptures of certain passages which could be interpreted to justify
rebellion against the social system.

He did that in a very devilish way in the sense that he tried to
show that the Blessed Savior was a carpenter and a worker, and he
rebelled against the conditions during His day, and that they should
follow in His footsteps and rebel against social conditions in our day.

In other words, he used the story of our Blessed Savior as a means
to promote atheistic communism and revolution in the South and
throughout the country.

Mr. Clardy. I have noticed that that same technique is being em-
ployed or has been employed by a number of others who have had
their works brought together by a gentleman I shall leave unnamed
at this juncture in the hearing.

Mr. Johnson. That is quite correct.

I have here a copy of the Daily Worker, Friday, July 10, 1953, in
which there is one of the most sacrilegious cartoons of our Blessed
Savior I have ever seen, and this is the type of cartoon that Claude
Williams used to use to illustrate his lectures.

Mr. Clardy. It seems incredible that that would be printed as
recently as 4 days ago, this present time.

Mr. Johnson. That is in connection with the admission that many
ministers have joined with them in the defense of Communists and
the signing of petitions and sponsoring front organizations that were
set up by the Communist Party.

Mr. Clardy. Am I not correct in saying that this is a copy of the
cartoon that appeared in the first or early issue of the Protestant
Digest or in connection with advertising that magazine ?

Mr. Johnson. I do not recall.

Mr. Clardy. The reason I ask is that the language beneath the
picture — the picture may not be identical, but the language beneath
it has a vague resemblance in my mind to something I have read about
the things the Protestant used in advertising itself in some fashion
or another in the early days, portraying Christ in the manner that you
have indicated.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EN THE NEW YORK AREA 2261

BiiiU? tp«,rlf«r. New York. Friday, July 10. 19.'>3 PaCe 5

REWARD

Tor I Nro«»>^/i'»»C'i« iCtOf^c To »wf APP«fH£NviON or —

licsus Christ

WaHTCO - rftl^ ScOtTfONi, CRV»A»rs<AL Akakck^t -

Vagrancy, amo CoNSPmrKt to Ovkp.throvw thc

t&TABLI^HCA G0WCRN»^eNT

DRCS&CS POORtV. SAtp TO ec A CARPENTER BY TRAPt , ILL-
NOURISHCO, HAS VISJONARV tCCAS ^ASSOCIATES with COMMON
WORKING PCOPU TMC UNi-KPcOVeD AND BUMS. AutN —
0CLEIWE^ TO 6e A JEW ALI^S ! * PRlNCe OF PfACE , Son ©f
MAN'-'LlftMT or THE WOftlB ' &C «C PROfE^SIOWKL AGITATOR

Bed beard, mauks ch nf^nti '^no felt thc rssult of

INJURICS INFVItTEO 6Y At4 AN&f^Y MOB ttD BV (RESPECTABLE
CITIZCNS AND tCSAC AUT«C«LlT»tS .

2262 COMJVIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YOKK AREA

Mr, Johnson. Yes. AYell, they do that in their articles. They use
religion as a cover for the promotion of antireligious and materialistic
communism.

Mr. KuNZiG. I think even more interesting, Mr. Chairman, is the
editorial, Freedom of Religion, on page 5 of the Daily Worker of
Friday, July 10, 1953, just a few days ago, right next to the cartoon,
which argues in favor of freedom of religion. This is indeed an odd
argument coming from the mouth of the Daily Worker and from the
mouth of the Communist leaders of America. The article states that —

It will be a bad clay for America and for America's children and their chil-
dren's children if the McCarthyite attack on the churches and the freedom of
religious conscience is permitted to proceed. Fortunately, thei'e is every indica-
tion that the ministers will fight back.

As a matter of fact, I think the record should show what an incredi-
hle thing it is that this type of statement comes in an editorial from
the Daily Worker, which has done everything possible to destroy reli-
gion throughout the Avorlcl; when the Daily Worker is in support of
something, methinks we should question it.

Mr. Clardy. Well, of course, there is no doubt about the fact that
one of the principal aims of the Communist Party is to destroy the
church and all faith in God and in religion as such, but I am appalled
to think that a newspaper of any kind would perpetrate such sacrilege
as this cartoon. It is just beyond belief. I do not know how they
can think or hope to convert people to their thinking when they have
such things as this. I note, however, that this committee gets honor-
able mention, as usual.

Mr. KuNziG. I should like to introduce this editorial and the cartoon
as Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 35, and I now offer it into evidence,
Mr. Chairman, at this time.

Mr. Clardy. It will be received.

(The editorial. Freedom of Religion, and accompanying cartoon
on p. 5 of the Daily Worker, Friday, July 10, 1953, were received in
evidence as Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 35.)

Manning JoHNso^f Exhibit No. 35

(Daily Worker, July 10, 195.H, p. 5)

Freedom of Religiox

A Famous Cartoon of that great American artist. Art Young, portrayed a
poster offering a "'Ileward — for information leading to the apprehension of JESUS
CHRIST . . . Wanted— for Sedition . . . Conspiring to Overthrow the Estab-
lished Government . . . Dresses poorly . . . has visionary iileas, associates with
common working people, the unemployed and bums . . ." (See cartoon in adjoin-
ing column.)

What brought this cartoon to our mind is the new McCarthyite drive against
the integrity and independence of the church, and siiecifically against a number
(the estimate is 7,000) of Protestant ministers, by the House Un-American
Committee.

Rep. Donald L. Jackson announced Wednesday that every preacher "identified
as a Communist" by one of the miserable stoolpigeons parading before his
infamous group will he "called to testify."

To what depths has our nation descended if this threat can be carried out!

What a field day for reaction, for fascism, when every minister is persecuted
who in response to his own conscience spoke out for the ethical principles of
Christianity as he saw them. Here will come the minister who denounced uni-
versal military training, he who called for brotherhood of Negro and white, he
who spoke for i)eace and ending war in Korea, for peaceful coexistence l^etween

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2263

the Soviet Union and our own country. Here in the white-hot ghire of tlie klieg
lights, in the witness chair, will sit the preacher who urged as a Christian gesture
clemency for the Rosenbergs, or amnesty for the Communist leaders.

Here indeed will come the ministers — and to their everlasting credit, their
iiunit)er is legion — who in fact did nothing more than reject McCarthyism as
inconsistent with Aineric;in traditions. For what they were asserting was the
self-evident fact that Itelween Christianity and fascism there can he no common
ground.

And it is this undeniable principle which lias enraged Joe McCarthy and his
rt'iiegade aid, J. 15. Matthews; which has angered X'elde and tlie un-Americans,
.iust as 20 years ago it maddened Adolph Hitler and resulted in his repres.sions
against the church.

The principle of a free conscience, of the right to worshij) — or not worship —
as one sees tit, is sacred and innnemorial. It is not only inscribed in our Bill
of Rights, but is graven in the hearts of the American people.

Ii will be a bad day for America and for America's children, and their chil-
dren's children, if the McCarthyite attack on the churches and the freedom
of religious conscience is permitted to proceed. Fortunately, there is every indi-
cation that the nuiusters will fight back. It is to be hoped that their congrega-
tions will give them the fullest support.

Even more important, we hope that labor an<l the trade-union movement,
recognizing the freedom of religion as basic to all that is truly democratic, will
come forward and with its united strength strike down this newest threat to a
hallowed American institution.

Mr. Doyle. May 1 ask, what is the Reverend Claude AVilliams doing
now? What is his official position, if any?

Mr. Johnson. I am not familiar with his present activities.

Mr. Krxzui. Yon spoke a mintite a^o of the People's Institute of
Applied Religion, as headed by the Reverend Claude Williams, who
was also former head of Commonwealth College in Mena, Ark. Did
you know or have any contact at any time w^ith one of the sponsors of
the Peo]:)les Institute of Applied Religion by the name of Max
Yergan ?

Mr. Johnson. I did. During the time that I was a member of the
Communist Party. Max Yergan was a member of the Communist
Party during the i)eriod of my membership.

We used to hold Communist Party fraction meetings in the head-
quarters of the Committee on African Affairs on 40th Street in
the city of New York. These were fraction meetings of the top
fraction of the Communist Party operating inside of the American
Negro Labor Congress.

I also have here the names of the officers, State directors, and
sponsors of the People's Institute of Applied Religion, and I should
like to present them at this time to the committee.

Mr. CixARDY. Not as a list of Communists, but as a list of the officials
and sponsors of the People's Institute of Ai)plied Religion, with the
understanding that those that have been definitely identified by the
witness are the only ones of which we can speak as to their Communist
connections.

Mr. KuNziG. That is correct, sir.

I am looking at this list at the present time, and I have marked
it "Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 36," and with your permission, sir,
I should like to offer this into evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit
No. P>() for the purpose only of putting in the record the names of the
officers. State directors, and sponsors of the Peoples Institute of Ap-
plied Religion.

Mr. Clardy. It will be received.

(The document referred to was received in evidence as Manning
Johnson exhibit No. 36.)

2264 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 36

APR 10 1942

■rklPAKi tl TMI WAY Of IMt ftOHIi CAST Uf. CASt UP THI HlftHWATi
6AIMf» out THI STONIS: LIFT Vt A $IANDA«0 fOU TBI PEOHI." ISAIAH ililO

PEOPLE'S INSTITUTE of APPLIED RELIGION

313 SOUTHIAST FIRST STREET

EVANSVILLE

INDIANA

J»Mlt lUTMII ADAMl
tllAHOI C. ANOtlSON
PftANk C. ■AHCtOFT

Cfloiic ictrtAttt

WAllll • lltttMAM —

HIMtlITT* eUCfMA$TH —
tiCHAlD COW'OIT —
MAlt A. DAWII« —
MALCOLM C.OOItl—
JAMIS OOMtlOWHI--
JOlirH P. ILI'CHlt —
HIRMAM C. MAMM—
CLIZA I |TM H I t t IH«— •
yOMM »A«l JONII-^

C. IICWAJIO lUCM —
JOHN MOWLAHO l.A^M■0^—
HOWACO It 1*^

^KCMMC^H LlStll--
CMAlLIS tlfcMtlOO*""
OONALO lOfHtO'^
40t*H A. M,,CALIUM —
C. ». M.«LINMAM-"
Paul « . MAC »*^
HAIOLD P. MAIlIt--

$r A H L ^1 WATTHiWl'-

mPIaNCIS i. M«CONHIll —
H. lUtNITT u*6iWDFI "

»JACK «. MtWICMAIL. Ji — '
CLTOI i. MlLLlt-
JOJIPM 6 UOO>l

L I I T O N

port

,NIILL POTIAT-

•IITH* C. iltNOLPl-

Wlt SVDNlll tNOW'

•.WIIII4W ■ iP0»»OtD-

«IU'*M W*ll*CI lUlU**** -
ALVA W. TArtOi'
JOHN f. THOMPSON-
CHANNINfi H, tOIIAS-
WIILAID I. OPHAUS-
««I|6CI1 VL«S*01-

.MAttr ' . WAID-

I.TND WAiD'

C»<*PLIt C. Wlllll'

OWIN H. WHiTfllLD-

StDNII ■ wilLIAMi-

CHAltlS C WIIJOM-

•M A I

I I • A N^-

flllO LIACIftS
A . I . C ^ M P I I I i-*

a 0 lilt 0. (HUMPtir-

iONAlD L. W|(T'

• I o • • ; »

LAwaiMCI iAT'

OCLaMOma

WILLIAM L. •LACiSrONI"

OAMICk C. WliLIAMt'
H , • 1 ■ O W ■ (

WIlllAH DitftlV

HAitr Koect-
LIONAHe M. sill*

'CLAUDE C. WILLIAMS

D t ■ ■ C 1 O I

_il^ WINIFRED L. CHAPPELL

PIILO IIPIItaHfAflVf

wEDNA JOYCE KIN6

OPPICI tICttTAIt

April 9. 19'»2

Hr. Max Bedacht
Intnrnatlonal "orkers Order
__ 60 Fifth A»e, Now York

' Dear llr« Bedaehi-

A* yau suggaatf I am putting Into tirlting b; request for a con-
tribution froB the International *orkera Order, tonard the t^OO
that the forthconlne ' Institute" of the People'a Institute of
Applied religion alll cost>

I eneloae a program ( which you ea« In another form) and *lth It
a little ItC'S IfO of our diacuaslon leaders at thle Inatltute.

I eneloDO also a general communleution from Olaude Vllllama, Director
of the People'a Inetitute; and a letter from one of our rural preuch-
ert) illustrating how the program gets into action among the people
toward the ends that we uo earnestly aeek«

The Dixie emagogues use the Bible among the religiously-.condltloned
folk of the " Bible Belt" toward unoocial ends.

The People'a Institute Is using the Bible-- legitimately— to lead
the people tosard Democracy*

You will see by the letterheud that most, though not all, of our
sponsors are church Icudars" It is the firm conviction of Claude
tllllana that the church people, sinio the 8hrteti«n ^hurch'haa been
the chief tinner in nronoting unti-Semitism should bear the respon-
eibility of aupportir.?; finaiiciall) our work »hich is directed
against atiti- ^ecitism und raciso:*

But aa a mekber of the r*0 und one «ho knows itjbroad social Interaet,
1 am taking the liberty o/ uppeuling to you for help.

1 oanthmiik of ns tore uaoful place to invest a little money than
in thio institute fron which — as from each of our former oneo-
»ill £0 men vho »ill. use their Bibles to«ard meeting the brei^d-
ttr.d..meit proble^ of Ihe people; und toward leading them in
the effort for national unity ogsinat Hitler and Hltlerism, abroad
and here '

Since re lyq>

t. Chappell '

*inifred i.. ''happe

1J6 E 17, New York, N.Y.
0r5-9a51.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2265

;Mi'. Clakdy. I think it has vahie in demonstrating that these
movements have drawn into them some good people along with those
that we know to be Communists.

Mr. KuNziG. You will note the name of Dr. Harry Ward is on
there.

Mr. Clardy. Who has been identified as a Communist.

Mr. KuNziG. There are the names of Jack McMichael, who has been
identified as a Communist; Winifred Chappell, and others.

Mr. Clardy. Also Max Yergan.

Mr. Johnson. I would like to mention in this connection that the
People's Institute of Applied Religion was one of the most important
Communist-front operations operating in the South, because in order
to get around the difficulties that stood in the way of a Communist
organization of a rebellion in the South, the}^ used religion as a cloak
to reach the masses of the South who lived by the Book and believed
in the Book, taking as they did scriptures from the Bible and twist-
ing them around in order to incite social rebellion in the South.

Mr. Doyle. May I ask this, is Rev. Claude Williams a Negro or
white?

Mr. Johnson. White.

Mr. Doyle. About what proportion of this list of persons that
Mr. Kunzig identifies here as Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 36, are
Negro or white?

Mr. Johnson. I do not know.

Mr. Doyle, The reason I ask that is because you specified they
were working in the South.

Mr. Johnson. Yes; they were working in the South, using the
religion to stir up

Mr. Doyle. I know you stated that, but I am interested to know,
because they were working in the South, what their policy was to
using Negroes or whites.

Mr. Johnson. Both Negroes, whites, Mexicans, all nationalities in
the South.

Mr. Doyle. ^Vl^at is the status of this People's Institute of Applied
Religion now? Is it still in existence, and active? If not, when
did it stop ?

Mr. Johnson. I do not know exactly when or if the institute was
discontinued. I do know that during the period of my membership
in the party

Mr. Doyle. Have they been active since you stopped being active?

Mr. Johnson. I am not in a position to state.

Mr. Doyle. Did you know of it being active after you stopped being
active in the Communist Party ? That is a plain question. Do you
know of any incident where it functioned after you stopped being
active in the Communist Party ?

Mr. Johnson. I am not aware of any of its activities after my
leaving the party. I am only testifying in connection

Mr. DoTLE. Do you know of any activity after you left the Com-
munist Party of the People's Institute of Applied Religion, or has it
been dead several years? That is what I am asking, as far as you
know.

Mr. Johnson. Just a moment. I might have something on that.

2266 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Mr. Doyle. I think it is important, Mr. Chairman, that we have
the status of this.

Mr. C^^^RDY. Yes; if the witness knows. Of course, he has indi-
cated that his knowledge ended as of the time he ceased being a mem-
ber, but if he does liave something, I would like to have it in the record.

Mr. DbYLp.. I just kind of assumed that the witness' interest in
Conmiunist activities has continued, or he would not be liere today.

Mr. KuNziG. Off the record.

(Discussion off the record.)

Mr. Clardy. Witness, rather than your going through that volumi-
nous file at the moment, let us move on to something else and come
back to that later.

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, before we leave this point I note that
the name Harry Ward has appeared in so many of these various
organizations and groups. It seems as if there is almost an interlacing
tieup of one to the other, not in any one particular religious sect or
denomination, but through various sects and denominations. Have
you any comment to make on this situation ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes; I have.

Dr. Harry F. Ward, for many years, has been the chief architect for
Communist infilti'ation and subversion in the religious field.

Mr. Clardy. That, you think, explains why we find his name turn-
ing up in practicallj^ all of the Communist-front or Communist
organizations.

Mr. Johnson. Absolutely correct.

Mr. KuNziG. ]Mr. Johnson, when we were discussing the magazine
Protestant Digest, later called the Protestant, you testified that it
generally followed the Comnumist line throughout the years. How,
do you know, were they tipped off with regard to this Communist
line? How would they know what to write about?

I ask this question because I know just this morning, to bring the
matter down to date, that the Daily Worker finally commented on
the fall from grace of Beria. It took them 3 or 4 days to find out
what the line was, and until they found out, they did not dare print
anything, so where did the magazine such as the Protestant Digest get
their line?

Mr. Johnson. The line comes down from Moscow to the Politburo
of the National Committee of the Communist Party and from the
Politburo of the National Committee of the Communist Party it
goes doAvn to the Communist Party fraction in the many front organi-
zations of the solar system of organizations of the Communist Party
and the Communist fraction inside of each of these organizations
carries out the line. That is how the line comes down from Moscow
to the lowest organization of the Communist Party.

A clear indication and example of how the Communist Party policy
in the religious field is handed down and reflected in the Protestant
Digest and in all of the other activities of the Comnumist Party in the
religious field may be clearly illustrated in an article by Raymond
Guyot, who was a leader of the Young Communist International and
a member of the Communist International, writing in the Young
Communist Review in September 1939, on the subject, I quote : "The
Communist Discusses Christianity."

This is the most revealing article on how to exploit Christianty,
brotherhood, the peace sentiments, etc., among religious people to

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2267

convince them of the need of accepting the policy of the program of
the world Communist movement.

Mr, Clardy. Do you care to have that marked as an exhibit ?

Mr. KuNziG. Yes, Mr, Chairman, I have it marked as "Manning
Jolinson Exliibit No, 37," and I should like now to offer it into
evidence,

Mr, Clardy, It will be received.

(Article, A Communist Discusses Christianity, from the Young
Communist Review, September 1939, was received in evidence as
Manning Johnson exhibit No. 37.)

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 37

(Young Commuuist Review, September 1938, pp. 8-10)

A Communist Discusses Christianity

THE ADDKESS TO THE COMMISSION ON RELIGIOUS AND PHILOSOPHICAL BASES OF PEACE

AT THE SECOND WORLD YOUTH CONGRESS

(By Raymond Guyot)

I am very glad to find here a number of prominent members of Christian or-
ganizations who tooli part in the Third Commission at Geneva, The Third Com-
mission is called Commission C here, but its work is the same.

Terrible evils — above all, war — are threatening and already ravaging mankind.
In face of these, Young Communists throughout the world have shown a spirit of
understaudiiig which has won praise. Neither denying nor underestimating that
which may or does divide us, we have nevertheless placed in the foreground that
v.'hich may unite us, and through this we have made it possible to carry on joint
activity to save manliind from the shame of retrogression and destruction.

The experience of 2 years has been conclusive. Life has given an affirmative
answer to the statement that "it is impossible to reduce these positions to a
common ideology. But that does not prevent youth of all opinions from collabo-
rating for the defense of peace," (Report of Geneva Congress — IlIrd Commis-
sion, p. 18G.)

The religious world, and, I may add, the leaders of the Church in ever-growing
numbers, are henceforth convinced of the sincerity of the Communists when they
offer their cooiieration in face of the common danger.

Thus our sincerity, our loyally, our efforts to reach an understanding authorize
us to init a question in our turn, a question that might be formulated in this way:

"Does not the refusal to take the hand stretched out by the Communists mean
in reality acquiescence in the triumph of violence and war in the world?"

I fell (sic) sure that the doubts and confusion are going to disappear once and
for all, and that cooperation is going to make still more decisive progi-ess. And
the reply that we shall give to the issues raised at this Congress will depend a
great deal on this point of view, I would like now to make my modest contribu-
tion to this noble cause.

We think that the highest good, demanding the ultimate loyalty of all human
beings, consists in the happiness of mankind. The Comnnmists affirm that the
haiipiness of mankind is identified with the collective building of a peaceful life
Avhich will allow the free and far-reaching development of the individual per-
sonality. Sncli a life is possible only in a society where there is no exploitation
of man by man. For the Communists, the happiness of mankind is a conquest,
demanding sacrifices that mankind is forced to make in a war of conquest. Our
heroism is of a \ ery different nature from the so-called heroism of the warmakers.

Man's happiness and the means of attaining it have been the goal to which all
that is best and most proiiressive in mankind has aspired.

In our day, too, progressive individuals and groups are striving after the
happiness of mankind and, under one form or another, identifying this ideal with
the highest good. This should he considered as a very important position shared
hy Communists and by other progressive forces in the world today.

The aggressions uideashed by those who may be called the instigators of war
constitutes the gravest attack upon the welfare of mankind, not only as regards
its immediate results, but also as regards its future.

33909— 53— pt. 8 6

2268 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AEEA

The World War of 1914-18 did not contribute anything to the happiness of
mankind. On the contrary, it destroyed 10 million human lives, ravaged vphole
countries and swallowed up immense riches.

With regard to the question of patriotism, we should draw a distinction : there
is a so-called patriotism, one of the (sic) ideological forms of fascism, which,
preaches war in order to bring other countries under its yoke. We call this
"false patriotism"— chauvinism. In reality, there is only one patriotism which
is true and healthy and which, established on the rights of nations to inde-
pendence, will tolerate no attack on the independence of its people. Chauvinism
turns its back on the happiness of mankind. For chauvinism there is no highest
good "common to all human beings." The chauvinism of our day places in opposi-
tion to the moral principle of human happiness certain subhuman principles:
brute force as "the absolute good," and racial theory as "the only truth."

In the name of these principles chauvinism "which has now found a crude
form in fascism" is trying to create a war psychology among the younger gen-
eration whom it influences by "educating it" to scorn all that is not "my race"
and "my war strength."

The healthy sentiment of patriotism "which has nothing in common with
chauvinism" may — under certain circumstances — condition the action of nations
and individuals. Has a country threatened by or subjected to aggression the
richt to mobilize the resistance of the people on the basis of patriotic feeling?
Clearly it has the right. And in using this right it is not betraying its loyalty
to the" highest good, but on the contrary affirming this loyalty. In defending
their national independence, the Ethiopians, the Spanish and the Chinese, filled
with love of their country, are working for the happiness of mankind. Indeed,
in these cases the happiness of mankind is threatened with annihilation for the
Ethiopians, the Spanish and the Chinese— that is to say, for a considerable part
of mankind. While those who are seeking to annihilate it are those very persons
who believe that force in its most brutish form and pride of race in its most
repulsive aspect, constitute the highest good.

In summary :

(a) A highest good — the happiness of mankind — unites all progressive
forces, whatever their religion.

(b) Chauvinism cannot govern the action of individuals without destroy-
ing loyalty to the highest good, which consists in the happiness of mankind.

(c)'The healthy sentiment of patriotism, when a nation defends itself
from aggression, is in accord with loyalty to the highest good.

Solidarity, devotion to the common welfare of humanity, is interpreted by us as
the old rule of human solidarity— all for one and one for all.

The youth cannot remain indifferent to the fact that in consequence of the
war policy of Germany, Italy and Japan, hundreds and thousands of people are
Shedding their blood in Spain and China, and among them large numbers of
young men and women. Youth must know for whose benefit the war is being
waged. Is this war being waged for the benefit of progress and culture, in the
name of the emancipation of the human personality, in the name of a new life
of happiness for all human society?

No, this war is being waged in the name of an imperialist policy. War is
taking place because r^ascist Germany, Italy, and Japan are seeking to conquer
new colonies and to enslave more free nations. The Catholic youth will realize
that this is true when considering the occupation of Austria, to which fascism
has brought nothing but servitude and oppression. They will realize it in con-
sidering the words of the Fascist leaders themselves.

What have the wars in Spain, Abyssinia, and China brought? The wars have
Irought death to peoples and the massacre of defenseless women and children.

This war has brought outrage to the human personality.

War destroys culture and all the progressive achievements of mankind.

In spurning all notions of freedom of thought and faith, of the sacred tradi-
tions of mankind, the Fascist aggressors are destroying everything that human
culture and progress have built up. They do not even hesitate to make use of
churches for their ends. .

The war carried on by the Fascist aggressors brings extermination ot the

highest good, of the free personality.

The peoples of Spain and China are fighting not only for their independence
but for world peace, and the need for the international solidarity of all peace-
loving humanity becomes daily more evident.

The principle of solidarity must therefore be applied in the interests of
peace and justice.

COMJVIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2269

Solidarity cannot be abstract. It must be concretized in action. Today the
active solidarity of peace-loving youth towards the victims of the war must have
two aims :

(1) Bring pressure to bear on the governments in order to bring to an end
the injustice which deprives Republican Spain (victim of the Italo-German
oppression) of the possibility of procuring means for her defense.

(2) Humanitarian aul for the victims whose lot has aroused the deepest emo-
tion throughout the civilized world : the women and children. (Sending of milk,
medical supplies, warm clothing, shoes, etc.)

What we Communists call solidarity coiTesponds more or less with what
Christianity calls charity. We do not wish to enter upon a critical discussion
with the Christians on the different content of the two principles, but on the
contrary to find out the basis common to both. Christian charity, for instance,
goes out to tlie weak, to the victims of injustice, to the persecuted. This is suffi-
cient to draw Christian charity towards the Spanish people, the people of China
and Abyssinia.

THE BASIS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW

The report of the Ilird Commission of the Geneva Congress affirmed that
"moral standards must regulate the relations between nations" (Report of the
Congress, p. 187).

We agree with the Christian youth that moral standards must regulate the
relations between individuals and between peoples. In the moral doctrine of
Christianity we find a whole number of principles that we Communists not only
accept but are constantly endeavoring to carry out. The heroes of our move-
ment who are making enormous sacrifices for their opinions, who are stoically
supporting the most terrible persecutions and defending in face of the ferocious
tribunals of fascism, in face of torture and death, their convictions, are the
living symbol of communism. Since the persecutions of the Christians of old,
no movement has suffered such terrible persecution nor borne them with such
stoicism as the revolutionary working-class movement. Evei'yone must acknowl-
edge this moral firmness and endurance, this absolute self-abnegation, this
moral greatness in the martyrs of our movement.

Christianity preaches the freedom and diynity of the human 'personality.

We Communists unreservedly accept this principle and consider as one of our
highest tasks to defend the liberty and dignity of the human personality against
all oppression, servitude, or outrage.

Christianity preaches equality of all men in God's sight.

We Communists are fighting for the equal rights of all men and all peoples,
for their right to freedom of thought and faith, for a social regime which will
guarantee equal possibilities of development for everyone, regardless of their
origin, sex, or nationality.

Christianity preachs [sic] love of one's neighbor.

We Communists believe in love of our fellowmen and are fighting for it, for
such a love tends to ensure the maximum happiness for the maximum number
of persons. We mean by the term happiness not only material welfare but also
the joy of labor, a far-reaching education, the development of every capacity,
cultivation of the arts and sciences, the pursuit of noble human aims, the senti-
ment of collectivity, and the knowledge of filling the right post and of contributing
to the common good. We Communists encourage that solidarity which lifts man
out of his own "self" and binds him to give effective help to his brothers in
distress.

Christianity demands that all should aspire to moral perfection.

We Communists are fighting for the perfection of the human race, against the
oppression and humiliation of the human personality under capitalism, against
the stupefying, degenerating effects of poverty and servitude, of race hatred and
persecution between peoples, of the deep-rooted immorality of ruling society.
We strive to lay the foundations of a harmonious and far-reaching development
of the human race, of a world in which man's social qualities will vanquish his
brutish instincts.

And so we reply affirmatively to the question : "Is it possible to establish a
common moral basis which will offer a solid foundation for international law?"
AVe find that the moral principles of our movement and the numerous moral
demands of Christianity have something in common which can offer a solid foun-
dation of international law. In face of fascist barbarism and the imminent
danger of war it is necessary, in our opinion, to develop everything that is
common to us and to put aside all that divides us.

2270 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Mr. Johnson. It is interesting to note that the Protestant was pub-
lished 60 days after that line was handed down,

Mr. Clardy. You mean tliat in this article in exhibit 37 we have
a prescription for the magazine, the Protestant Digest?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct, that is what I mean.

Mr. Clardy. And would you say further that when the Protestant
Digest commenced publication that it thereafter adhered to the gen-
eral lines outlined in this article?

Mr. Johnson. It did. It reflected the line of that article in all
of the subsequent — in its first and all of the subsequent editions.

Mr. Clardy. Then would you say that the institution of publica-
tion of the magazine Protestant Digest was a concrete example of the
way in which the party line is handed down from Moscow and finally
put into execution down in the lower ranks?

Mr. Johnson. Of course, Mr. Chairman, it is to be understood
that tliere were deviations from this policy, but these were only inci-
<lental. They did not in the least destroy the most important aspects
of the line which the party wanted to carry out in the religious field.

Mr. Clardy. What you are saying, as I understand it, is that from
time to time they may have some little variation, some little contradic-
tion for the purpose of lulling suspicions to sleep, but generally they
followed the party line as handed down from above.

Mr. Johnson. That is correct.

Now, I would like to show you the Daily Worker of January 15,
1953, in which there is an article, the subject matter of which is, "161
Protestant Church Leaders Ask Truman To Grant Amnesty to the
Communist Eleven."

Mind you, these were the 11 Communists that were convicted for
violation of the Smith Act, and they submitted the names of 161
Protestant Church leaders to President Truman with the statement
that if President Truman did not grant them amnesty, that they
would go to President Eisenhower and demand of him amnesty for
the 11 Communists.

Mr. Clardy. I think that should be marked, Mr. Counsel.

Mr. KuNziG. It is marked "Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 38," and
I offer it into evidence at this time.

Mr. Clardy. It will be received.

(The article from the Daily Worker, January 15, 1953, was received
in evidence as Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 38.)

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 38
(Daily Worker, January 15, 1953, p. 8)
IGl Protestant Church Leaders Ask Truman to Amnesty Communist "11"

One hundred and sixty-one church leaders representing 15 major Protestant
denominations laid before President Truman at Christmas time their appeal
for amnesty for 11 leaders of the Communist Party convicted under the Smith
Act, it was made known this week.

Release of tlie letter to Truman with its signers was made by the Rev. Eld-
ward D. McGowan, minister of Epworth Methodist Church, Bronx, N. Y., one
of tlie 10 cler^'yuien who initiated the appeal. Rev. McGowan stated that, if
yffiiiiiation action is not taken l)y President Truman, a similar appeal will be
I)iesente(l to Gen. Eisenliower when he becomes President.

Seven Bishops of the I'lotestant Episcopal Church are in the list of signers,
including one of the letter's initiators, the Right Rev. Normand B. Nash of

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE NEW YORK AREA 2271

Massachusetts, as well as Bishop Arthur W. Womack of the Colored Methodist
Episcopal Church and Bishop G. W. Taylor of the Reformed Zion Union Apos-
tolic Church.

Among the signers are 12 clerics who are professors in theological schools
or universities, and an eciual nnnii)er of national officers, state and district
superintendents in several denominations together with the executives of local
church federations. The majority on the list are parish ministers of 15 de-
nominations in 33 states.

A BASIC RIGHT

The church leaders declared in their appeal that conscientious advocacy is a
basic democratic right and the glory of a free society. The letter contends :

"Many Americans feel that imprisonment for conscientious advocacy is not
only incompatible with our whole philosophy of government but is an indica-
tion to countless observers abroad of lack of confidence in our American institu-
tions."

Citing a long tradition of Presidential amnesty for political prisoners, the
church leaders appealed to the President "in the spirit of Christmas and in
harmony with justice" to exercise his executive power in granting amnesty to
the Communist Party leaders in jail, that they may return to their wives and
children. By the exercise of amnesty "we shall be stronger in the eyes of the
world," the appeal concluded.

SIGNERS

Among the prominent signers are :

The Right Rev. Reginald Mallett, Bishop of Northern Indiana (Protestant
Episcopal) ; the Rev. Albert W. Palmer, former Moderator of the Congrega-
tional Christian Clnirches ; Dr. Wilbur E. Saunders, i)resident of Colgate-Roch-
ester Divinity School ; the Rev. Forrest C. Weir, executive director of the Church
Federation of Los Angeles; the Rev. Abbott Book, executive director of the Nortli-
ern California-Nevada Council of Churclies ; the Rev. C. C. Adams, secretary o{
the Foreign Mission Board of the National Baptist Convention, Inc.

Also : The Rev. Albert Buckner Coe, Superintendent of Massachusetts Con-
ference of Congregational-Christian Churches; the Rev. Lewis H. Davis, district
superintendent of the New York East Conference of the Methodist Church ; the
Rev. Prof. Nels F. S. Ferre of Vanderbilt University, Nashville; the Rev. Prof.
Kolland E. Wolfe of Western Reserve University, Cleveland ; Dean J. H. Satter-
white of Hood Theological Seminary (African Methodist Episcopal Zion),
Salisbury, N. C. ; the Rev. Prof. John Oliver Nelson of Yale University Divinity
School.

Also : The Rev. John Haynes Holmes, Minister-emeritus, the Community Church
of New York ; the Rev. Guy Emery Shipler, Editor of The Churchman, and the
Rev. William B. Spofford, Editor of The Witness ; the Rev. Harold A. Bosley,
First Methodist Church, Evanston, 111.; the Rev. J. Raymond Cope, First Uni-
tarian Church, Berkeley, Calif.; the Rev. John Howard Melish, Church of the
Holy Trinity, Brooklyn ; Dr. Henry Neumann, Ethical Culture Society, Brooklyn.

Also: The Rev. Calvin C. Ellis, Louisville, and the Rev. James A. Jones,
Durham, N. C, both ministers of the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church;
the Rev. William B. Clemmer, Board of Publications, Disciples of Christ, St.
Louis; the Very Rev. Paul Roberts, Dean of St. John's Cathedral (Protestant
Episcopal), Denver; the Very Rev. Louis M. Hirshon, Dean of Christ Church
Cathedral (Protestant Episcopal), Hartford, Conn.

INITIATOBS

In addition to Rev. McGowan and Bishop Nash, the initiators were:
The Rev. Raymond Calkins, nationally prominent Congregational minister;
the Rev. Prof. Massey H. Shepherd, Jr., of the Episcoiial Theological School,
Cambridge, the Rev. John Paul Jones of the Union Church of Bay Ridge (Presby-
terian), Brooklyn; the Rev. Dana McLean Greeley, Arlington St. Unitarian
Church, Boston; the Rev. Charles A. Hill, Hartford Ave. Baptist Church.
Detroit.

Also: The Rev. Kenneth de P. Hughes and the Rev. George L. Paine, Prot-
estant Episcopal ministers of Cambridge and Boston and the Rev. Shelton Hale
Bishop of St. Philip's Church, New York.

2272 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

Mr. Clardt. I note in passing, Witness, that this documents what it
says by actually listing the names of the 161. My query is this : Do
you recognize among those who have signed members of your race as
well as my own ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes.

Mr. Clardy. I have a further question. Since the publication of
that article in January of this year have you anywhere run across any
statements made by any of these gentlemen disavowing the facts as
published in the Worker?

Mr. Johnson. No; I have not. I have heard of them attacking
everyone else, but I have never heard them attack the Daily Worker
or the Communist Party about putting their names in its gutter sheet.

Mr. Doyle. Well, you do not mean you have heard about all of
them doing that. You have heard of some of them.

Mr. Johnson. Well, I mean I have heard some of them make state-
ments, some clergymen make statements against the committees that
are investigating communism and so forth and so on, but I never have
heard any of them come out and speak in favor of this investigation or
to speak against the Communist gutter sheet for publishing their
names.

Mr. Clardy. I have looked it over, Witness, and I recognize a num-
ber of names of persons who certainly fall in the category you are
talking about, because, having made some independent investigation
myself — for example, I see the name here of Rev. Guy Emery Shipler
as an outstanding example of what I mean.

Mr. Johnson. I would like to call your attention to an article in the
Daily Worker, Tuesday, May 12, 1953 ; the subject of the article or the
news item being, "Urges Churches Help Defend Negro Leaders."

Now, this article deals with an organization that the Communist
Party has set up to defend Negro Communist leaders. Now, the chair-
man of that committee is Reverend McGowan. He has called upon
the national Fraternal Council of Churches to help in this fight. This
committee concerns itself with defense of persons like Henry Winston,
Ben Davis, Paul Robeson, and all other Communist Party leaders and
Communist Party fellow travelers who find themselves in difficulty as
a result of their work against our Government in the interest of an
alien power, namely, Russia.

Mr. Doyle. How do they raise their money to finance that work?

Mr. Johnson. They raise their money through contributions, col-
lections, and, of course, other sources.

Mr. Doyle. Do they have a staff of lawyers under retainer, do you
know ?

Mr. Johnson. The party has always had staff lawyers who have been
available for years. A number of them have been members of the
Communist Party, fellow travelers, or under Communist Party disci-
pline. These lawyers the party has always been able to draw on to
give the legal representation necessary for all of these fronts.

Mr. Doyle. Are they paid, do you think, generally ?

Mr. Johnson. They are paid by the front organizations that they
serve.

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, you mentioned yesterday that 2,300
clergymen had signed a petition, at least as so listed in the Daily
Worker, to save the Rosenbergs, and that this petition was presented

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2273

to President Eisenhower. Does it lie within your knowledge whether
any such protest was made at an earlier period of time to Mr. Truman
when he was President of the United States?

Mr. Johnson. Yes. According to the January 14, 1953, edition
of the Daily Worker, there is a feature story declaring, and I quote,
"1,500 Protestant pastors ask Truman to save Rosenbergs."

Mr. Clakdy. The article names some of them, does it not?

Mr. Johnson. Yes; it does. It gives a list of the ministers who
signed the petition.

Mr. Clardy. If the Daily Worker is to be believed at all then, they
put in more than lialf as many on the petition they presented to
President Eisenhower.

Mr. Johnson. That is correct.

Mr. KuNziG. I have this copy of the Daily Worker, Mr. Chairman,
of January 14, 1953, just a few days before Mr. Truman left the
White House. It is marked "Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 39," and
I offer it into evidence.

Mr. Clardy. It will be received.

(The copy of the Daily Worker, January 14, 1953, was received in
evidence as Manning Jolinson Exhibit No. 39.)

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 39
(Daily Worker, New York, Jan. 14, 1953, pp. 1 and 6)

1,500 Protestant Pastors Ask Truman To Save Rosenbergs

Fifteen hundred of America's leading Protestant clergymen yesterday asked
President Truman to save the lives of the Rosenbergs, Ethel and Julius. Their
plea came soon after Dr. Albert Einstein, one of the world's leading atomic
scientists who played a leading part in creating the A-bomb, joined Di*. Harold
E. Urey, atomic Nobel Prize winner, in urging clemency. The date for execution
of the two East Side, New York, parents had been set for Jan. 14. A plea to the
President is now in the hands of the Department of Justice. Truman may act
at any moment if he desii'es, up to Jan. 20. If he denies the clemency plea, the
execution will take place five days later, or may be delayed possibly pending a
final plea to the Supreme Court for a stay.

The letter of the 1,500 clergymen added their names to hundreds of others,
including Rabbis and priests, who have similarly asked clemency. The latest
plea was released by Dr. Jesse W. Stitt, pastor of the Village Presbyterian
Church on W. 13th Street, New York City.

The letter. Dr. Stitt declared, urges President Truman, "in the spirit of love
which casts out fear," to mitigate a punishment of "such terrible finality." He
added that the group is not "partisan."

"Our plea," the letter says, "does not hang on the decision of the Rosenbergs'
guilt or innocence or the degree of their wrongdoing."

Cosponsors of the letter, with Dr. Stitt, are the Rev. Dr. James Luther Adams,
Meadeville Theological Seminary ; Roland H. Baintion of Yale Divinity School ;
the Rt. Rev. Charles K. Gilbert, retired Protestant Episcopal bishop of New York ;
Rev. Dr. Robert M. Hopkins, Golden Rule Foundation ; Bernard Loomer, dean of
Chicago University Divinity School; Rev. Dr. O. Clay Maxwell, Mount Olivet
Baptist Church, New York.

Others are Robert H. Nichols, professor emeritus of Union Theological Semi-
nary ; Prof. Paul Scherer ; Rev. Dr. Albert J. Penner, Broadway Tabernacle, New
York ; Rev. James H. Robinson, Church of the Master, New York, and the Rev.
Dr. T. k. Thompson, National Council of Churches.

In his letter. Dr. Einstein associated himself with another leading nuclear
scientist. Dr. Harold C. Urey, who had asked clemency after flatly stating that
the testimony of the Rosenbergs was "more believable" than that of the one
government witness against them, David Greenglass. The world-famous atomic
scientist wrote :

"Dear Mr. President : My conscience compels me to urge you to commute the
death sentence of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg.

2274 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE NEW YORK AREA

"This appeal to you is prompted by tlie same reasons wliich wei*e set forth
so convincingly by my distinguished colleague, Harold 0. Urey, in his letter of
January 5, 1953, to the New York Times.
"Respectfully yours,

"Albert Einstein."

Requests for Presidential clemency are pouring in from all parts of the world
as world opinion notes that there is no evidence that the Rosenbergs ever stole
any "atomic secret," that they ever met any Russians, or that they were guilty of
anything except having anti-Faseist opinions. They face death solely on the
word of one man, millions are saying everywhere. It is also nnred that this
Jewish couple are the first ever to be sentenced to death in the history of the
United States during peacetime in a civil court for .such an alleged crime.

William L. Patterson, chairman of the Civil Rights Congress, urged full sup-
port for the activities of the National Committee to Secure Justice for the
Rosenbergs. The committee has been seeking the broadest support for clemency
for the Rosenbergs.

"Maintain the vigil in Washington organized by the committee," Patterson
said. "Support delegations of trade unionists, lawyers, doctors, ministers to
every Congressman. Man picket lines at home. These marching feet are heard
around the world."

Mr. Clardy. I note something else in there, Mr. Counsel, an edi-
torial, as a matter of fact, entitled "Einstein, the Rosenbergs, and
U. S. Labor's Duty." I note it with some interest because of what the
noted scientist said recently,

Mr. KuNZTG. It is interesting to note how many people will lend
their names in such a situation, so that the Daily Worker could even
think of coupling United States labor in together with Einstein and
the Rosenbergs.

Mr. Doyle. May I ask this question of the witness ? Go back to this
Reverend McGowan. Did you ever meet him personally?

Mr. Johnson. No, no, I have never met him personally.

Mr. Doyle. Then you do not know if he is a Negro ?

Mr. Johnson. No ; I do not know his nationality. I assume he is
Irish. His name is.

Mr. Doyle. Would it not be a digression from established policy to
have a man that was not known as a Communist at the head of that
sort of a movement ? You have testified that he was chairman of the
National Committee To Defend Negro Leadership and so forth.

Mr. Johnson. It has always been a policy to have and to use per-
sons who are not members of the Communist Party to head such
organizations. That gives the organization a cloak of respectability
so that the leader can say to John Doe and to Mary Doe, "I am not a
Communist, but I subscribe to this program. I subscribe to this
policy," and in that way it gives weight and respectability to it.

Mr. Clardy. Off the record.

(Discussion off the record.)

Mr. Clardy. Witness, you have called our attention to the fact
that in the January-February-March issue of 1950 of the Protestant
the Reverend S. Lautenschlager is listed as one of the editorial ad-
visers, and I note that you have a Communist-front magazine there
before you for October 1935, the magazine being China Today.

Now, here is the question I would like to put to you : I note that the
Reverend Lautenschlager is quoted in that 1935 article along the line
of saying that it is necessary that capitalism be done away with in
order that the future peace of the world may be insured.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2275

Do you have any knowledge beyond that shown in this magazine as
to any possible Communist connections or associations or affiliations
or what have you of the Reverend Lautcnschlager?

Mr. Johnson. I do not know whether or not he is a member of the
Connnunist Party, but from what he says, it is the same thing the
Communists say. He calls for the destruction of the capitalist system.

Mr. Clardy. I note that, and I notice he talks about

Mr. Johnson. He also talks of the capitalist system as being re-
sponsible for wars and the situation of militarization in China, and so
forth.

Mr. Doyle. The Socialists said that and still say it, do they not?
Is that not a fact? The Socialists used to say that, at least. Do they
not still say it?

Mr. Clakdy. a great many of them undoubtedly do.

Mr. Doyle. Is that not a tenet of the Socialist Party ?

Mr. Clardy. Well, not quite that way, as I understand it.

Let me ask you another question : Was it possible for anyone to get
into this paper China Today unless he had some sympathetic under-
standing of the causes for which that paper was fighting ?

Mr. Doyle. Off the record.

(Discussion off the record.)

Mr. Johnson. The China Today is a magazine that was brought into
existence by the decision of the Communist International and the
political bureau of the Communist Party of the United States. The
policy as put forth in the articles in China Today were in accord with —
that is, in full agreement with — the line of the Communist Party as I
knew it during those years as a member of the national committee
of the Communist Party and also on the other committees on a national
level of the party.

Mr. Clardy. Then w^ould it be a fair statement to say that because
it was originated by the party, that nothing was permitted to get into
its columns that did not in some way or other reflect the Communist
Party line?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct.

Mr. Clardy. I note one thing more. This October 1935 issue speaks
of celebrating the first anniversary of China Today. Does t,hat
roughly correspond to your recollection as to when this magazine
was started ?

Mr. JoHNSO?r. Yes, it does. It was during the early part of the
1930's, I should say around 1934, I should say, that this magazine
was started.

Mr. Clardy. To sum it up

Mr. Johnson. What I wanted to bring out here is that this article,
written by Frederick Spencer, the subject of which is, and I quote,
"The Missionaries Must Choose," which shows that at that particular
time the Communists were working among the missionaries to get
them to work against the interests of our Government in China and
for the interests of the policy of Soviet Russia in relation to China —
for example, there are two things that I would like to quote from
this article to indicate this.

Tlie characteristic feature of this error, internal reaction (Germany, Italy and
the imperialist aggression, Manchuria, Ethiopia) may be observed to a greater

2276 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

or lesser degree, wherever the ruling capitalist elements feel themselves menaced.
Under these conditions unless the missionaries range themselves unmistakably
beside the progressive forces that are seeking to establish a new social order, they
must resign themselves to the instruments, possibly involuntary or unwitting,
of the reactionary forces that are defending the interests of the old regime.

That is the end of the first quotation.

In view of the close historical ties of the missions with capitalist institutions,
it is perhaps futile to expect that the central missionary organizations can dis-
associate themselves to any significant degree from their largely capitalist patrons
and supporters. This does not hold true in equal measure for the individual
missionary. The more intelligent and sensitive of the missionaries in the field
are forced to come to grips with the underlying forces of iiuperialist exploitation
that are racking the social fabric of Colonial countries. In some cases, at least,
they take the position adopted by S. Lautenschlager, a Presbyterion missionary
at Tsingtao, China, who concludes a recent article in "Fellowship" (September,
1935, Page 1112) as follows: "Exploiting capitalism and aggressive nationalism
are the causes of war and the real enemies of mankind. When these causes are
abolished, the militarization of China and of the world can come to an end. To
accomplish this, we must be more than resistors of war ; we must be positive
workers for peace. We must become workers for the abolition of the systems that
create war."

Mr. Clardt. All right, Witness.

Now, as I understand it, you have a number of other copies of that
magazine. Am I correct that the rest of them that you have there
follow right along with this same general line ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, they do.

Mr. Clardy. In the interest of expedition can we sum up without
going into detail on that that what you have read is a fair sample of
the line of attack that the magazine uses in trying to bring missionaries
into the Communist fold ?

Mr. Johnson. That is correct.

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, during the course of your testimony
both in New York and here in Washington you have mentioned various
persons known to you to be Communists, people with whom you sat
in Communist fraction meetings during the time that you were a top
member of the Communist Party. Are there any other names which
come to your mind at the present time whom you can identify posi-
tively and absolutely as having been members of the Communist
Party ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes : Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Harry Bridges, V. J.
Jerome, Jack Stachel. All of them were Communist Party leaders of
national prominence.

Mr. KuNziG. You knew them to be members of the Communist-
Party?

Mr. Johnson. Yes.

Mr. Clardy. Let me interrupt. To take them out of order, Mr.
Counsel, let us inquire a little bit about this.

You have named Harry Bridges. Do I understand you to say that
you have actually sat in Communist meetings with Harry Bridges ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I did, in New York City in 1936, and I was also
elected to the national committee of the Communist Party the same
year that Harry Bridges was elected to the national committee, and
that was at the ninth convention of the Communist Party of the United
States held in 1936 in the city of New York.

_ Mr. Clardy. Did you attend other Communist Party meetings be-
sides the one that you have mentioned ?

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2277

Mr. Johnson. No, that was the only one that I attended with Harry
Bridges because the Communist Party made certain that knowledge
of Bridges' membership was to be restricted to a very few people at
the top because of the strategic position he held in the ranks of labor
on the west coast. In order to assure that the maximum amount of
secrecy prevailed, they put his name on the list of members for the
national committee under the name of Rossi.

Mr. Doyle. What first name?

Mr. Johnson. Just Rossi.

Mr. Doyle. Not Harry Rossi or anything?

Mr. Johnson. No, Rossi.

Mr. Doyle. What address were these meetings held at for purpose
of identification ?

Mr. Johnson. Well, the national convention of the Communist
Party was held in Manhattan Center on 34:th Street near 8th Avenue
in the city of New York.

Mr. Clardy. Did you exercise or did the party, I should say, exer-
cise precautions to make certain that only Communist members were
admitted ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes.

Mr. Clardy. You are testifying now that you saw him at this con-
vention ?

Mr. Johnson. I saw him at a meeting of the Politbureau and the
central committee that was held during the period of the convention.
They did not bring him in as an actual delegate because they did not
want the other delegates to know about it, but he came in and attended
a special meeting of the central committee.

Mr. Clardy. Which you also attended ?

Mr. Johnson. Yes; I was present at that meeting.

Mr. KuNziG. Of course Elizabeth Gurley Flynn is well known as a
writer for the Daily Worker for many years.

I will pass on to V. J. Jerome. Would you tell the committee just
briefly your acquaintanceship with V. J. Jerome ?

Mr. Johnson. V. J. Jerome was a member of the national com-
mittee of the Communist Party. He was head of the cultural com-
mission of the national committee. He was in charge of the in-
filtration of the motion-picture industry. That was the special assign-
ment by the Politbureau and central committee of the Communist
Party. He wrote numerous theoretical articles for the Communist,
the theoretical organ of the Communist Party of the U. S. A.

Mr. KuNzio. What years did you know Jerome to be a member of
the top committees of the Communist Partv ?

Mr. Johnson. From 1932 to 1940.

Mr. Doyle. What would be the answer about Harry Bridges on the
same point ? What years did you know Bridges as a member of the
top Communist

Mr. Johnson. From 1936 until I left the party in 1940.

Mr. KuNziG. Now, you mentioned Jack Stachel. Would you tell
the committee briefly your contact and acquaintanceship with him ?

Mr. Johnson. I worked under and with Jack Stachel for a num-
ber of years in the party. He was one of my instructors in the secret
National Training School of the Communist Party in 1932 where I
was trained to become a professional revolutionist. From 1934 up
until I left the party I worked with him on the national trade union

2278 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE NEW YORK AREA

commission of the national committee of the Communist Party. Jack
Stachel was a member of the national committee and also a member
of the political bureau of the Communist Party.

Mi\ KuNziG. At the conclusion of your testimony here, Mr. John-
son, could you give us a summary of the overall manner in which the
Communists have attempted to infiltrate and poison the religious
organizations of America wherever possible?

Mr. Johnson. Once the tactic of infiltrating religious organizations
was set by the Kremlin, the actual mechanics of implementing the
"new line" was a question of following the general experiences of the
living church movement in Russia where the Communists discovered
that the destruction of religion could proceed much faster through
infiltration of the church by Communist agents operating within the
church itself.

Tlie Communist leadership in the United States realized that the
infiltration tactic in this country would have to adapt itself to Ameri-
can conditions and the religious makeup peculiar to this country. In
the earliest stages it was determined that with only small forces avail-
able it would be necessary to concentrate Communist agents in the
seminaries and divinity schools. The practical conclusion, drawn by
the Red leaders was that these institutions would make it possible for
a small Communist minority to influence the ideology of future clergy-
men in the paths most conducive to Communist purposes.

In general, the idea was to divert the emphasis of clerical thinking
from the spiritual to the material and political — by political, of
course, is meant politics based on the Communist doctrine of conquest
of power. Instead of emphasis towards the spiritual and matters of
the soul, the new and heavy emphasis was to deal with those matters
which, in the main, led toward the Communist program of "immedi-
ate demands." These social demands, of course, were of such a na-
ture that to fight for them would tend to weaken our present society
and prepare it for final conquest by Communist forces.

The Communists had some small forces in the seminaries and under
the leadership of Harry F. Ward. These were quickly augmented
by additional recruits and siphoned into the divinity institutions by
manipulations of Communist cells in the seminaries. This infiltra-
tion into seminaries was expedited by the use of considerable forces
the Communists had in educational institutions which were eligible for
hire by divinity organizations.

The plan was to make the seminaries the neck of a funnel through
which thousands of potential clergymen would issue forth, carrying
with them, in varying degrees, an ideology and slant which would aid
in neutralizing the anti-Communist character of the church and
also to use the clergy to spearhead important Communist projects.

This policy was successful beyond even Communist expectations.
The combination of Communist clergymen, clergymen with a pro-
Communist ideology, plus thousands of clergymen who were sold the
principle of considering Communist causes as progressive, within
20 years, furnished the Soviet apparatus with a machine which w^as
used as a religious cover for the overall Communist operation rang-
ing from immediate demands to actually furnishing aid in espionage
and outright treason.

COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2279

The Commimists have an advantage in religious organizations due
to the fact that their forces within religious groups are well organized
as a totalitarian group which, operating as a highly mobile force,
works unceasingly toward a premeditated program. This gives this
destructive element a great tactical advantage over all others in the
religious organizations who deal with religion as individuals, operat-
ing ethics on the basis of an individual conscience before God.

In the early 1930's the Communists instructed thousands of their
members to rejoin their ancestral religious groups and to operate
in cells designed to take control of churches for Communist purposes.
This method was not only propounded, but was executed with great
success among large elements of American church life. Communists
operating a double-pronged infiltration, both through elements of
Communist-controlled clergy, and Communist-controlled laymen,
managed to pervert and weaken entire stratas of religious life in the
United States.

Communists in churches and other religious organizations were in-
structed to utilize the age-old tradition of the sanctity of the church
as a cover for their own dastardly deeds. Through Reds in religion,
we have a true living example of the old saying: "The Devil doth
quote the Scripture."

The Communists learned that the clergyman under their control
served as a useful "respectable face" for most of their front activi-
ties. In this way the name of religion was used to spearhead the
odious plots hatched by the agents of antireligious Soviet communism.

Communist strategists counted the effectiveness of their forces not
so much on numbers alone, but on the importance of individuals loyal
to commmiism in key spots where a small group can influence large
numbers and create havoc by controlling a sensitive spot. Thus one
professor of divinity, lecturing to future clergymen, who in turn will
preach to thousands of churchgoers, is, in the long run, more dangerous
than 20 Red preachers, singing the praises of communism from the
pulpit.

The same can also be said of a Communist agent operating an
important position in a church publication which reaches large multi-
tudes of churchgoing public. One practical effect of Red influence in
church publications is to tip off scores of pro-Soviet clergymen, who
are only too glad to receive sermon material through the medium of a
church publication.

The large backlog which the Communists have in the writincr and
journalistic field make it easy for them to infiltrate religious publica-
tions and organize new publications representing the Communist slant
in church circles.

It is an axiom in Communist organization strategy that if an infil-
trated body has 1 percent Communist Party members and 9 percent
Communist Party sympathizers, with well rehearsed plans of action,
they can effectively control the remaining 90 percent who act and
think, on an individual basis. In the large sections of the religious
field, due to the ideological poison which has been filtered in by Com-
munists and pro-Communists through seminaries, the backlog of sym-
pathizers and mental prisoners of socialistic ideology is greater than
the 10 percent necessary for effective control.

2280 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA

It is my conviction, as a former leader of the Communist Party, that
those who lead our Nation must expose this plot and the Communist
pattern of operation within our churches. If the churchgoing public
is apprised of the true facts by our investigating institutions they, by
themselves, will quickly cast the Communist viper out of the house of
God.

The Communist strategy of using the cry of "attack on religion" in
order to stop an inquiry on their attack on religious life should not
deter those in whose hands lie the responsibility of exposing this
deadly danger to religion in America.

Mr. Clardy. Is there any reason why this witness should not be
released ?

Mr. KuNziG. No.

Mr, Clardy. Very well, that concludes the session.

(The hearing was adjourned at 11 a. m., subject to the call of the
Chair.)

( Note. — The following statement was ordered inserted in the record
at this point:)

Statement of Hoyt S. Haddock

To Whom It May Concern:

Newspaper stories of May 5, 1953, credit Mrs. Dorothy K. Funn, with stating
in effect that I was one of a group of Communists who met "* * * together in
the postwar period under Communist Party direction * * *." That "the meet-
ings were held in her Washington home, 3100 Warder Street NW., and in the
homes of the other members.

* * * All 17 members of the group were knowingly Communist Party mem-
bers, submitting to Communist discipline. They worked to further aims of the
Communist Party, not of their unions. * * *"

I want to state categorically, that if Mrs. Funn did in fact make such a state-
ment, it is incorrect.

I knew Dorothy Funn as a representative of the National Negro Congress.
During World War II I met her on frequent occasions at meetings of persons
interested in civil-rights legislation. These meetings were called in Washington
offices of organizations and Congressmen interested in bills on poll tax, FEPC,
antilynch, and so forth. I attended such meetings as a representative of the
CIO maritime committee or the CIO legislative department. Since coming to
Washington in 1941, I have been the chairman of the civil-rights subcommittee of
the CIO legislative department.

At no time during my assignment here in Washington have I ever been in the
home of Mrs. Funn. Furthermore, I have never attended any meeting in the
home of anyone in Washington — Communists or otherwise. Of the 17 persons
named by Mrs. Funn, I have been in the homes of only 2. The occasion in each
of these instances was social. The persons involved worked for the CIO maritime
committee.

To my knowledge I have never attended any Communist meetings in Wash-
ington.

During the war the CIO maritime committee consisted of the National Mari-
time Union, International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, Interna-
tional Fishermen and Allied Workers Union, American Communications Asso-
ciation, National Union of Marine Cooks and Stewards, and the Industrial Union
of Marine and Shipyard Workers. Of these unions, three were expelled from
the CIO as unions whose officials followed the Communist line. They were the
American Communications Association, National Union of Marine Cooks and
Stewards, International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, and the
International Fishermen and Allied Workers Union which was at that time part
of the International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union. I naturally
worked with the officials of those unions while they were in the CIO maritime
committee. It should be crystal clear that I never attended any Communist
meetings with any of those officials at any time.

Beginning in 194G, I worked actively with some of the menihprs of the Ameri-
can Communications Association to get rid of Communist domination of radio
officers. In this we were successful. Then, about 1948, I joined in an active

COMJVIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2281

campaign with Joseph Curran and other NMU officials to clean the Communists
out of the National 5laritime Union where they dominated. In this fight we were
successful. Prior to these dates I was under constant attacks by at least one
writer in the Daily Worlier and others.

I cannot account for the error which Mrs. Funn made by including my name
in her list, unless it was because we were frequently together in attendance at
meetings on official business for our organizations. I must repeat, however, that
1 never attended any meeting, business or Communist, in her home or anyone
else's home as the newspapers indicate she said.

I do not now nor have I ever held a card in the Communist Party, the Young
Communist League, the Communist Political Association of America, or any other
name used by the Communists in the United States, nor do I ascribe to their
ideology or tactics. Persons who do carry a card in that party are, in my
opinion, either outright dupes or agents for the Russians.

To the best of my ability I shall continue to assist in the stamping out of the
Communist philosophy which is dedicated to the destruction of democracy and
the dignity of the individual. The record speaks for itself on my long-known
position that the United States must assist the free world in becoming strong
enough to destroy the aggressiveness and conquering spirit of the Communists
throughout the world.

(Signed) Hott S. Haddock.

INDEX

Individuals

Pate

Adaraic, Louis 2251, 212:12

Adams, James Luther 2264, 2273

Allen, Fran 2134

Alper, Michael 2178

Amile. Thomas R 2173

Amter, Israel 2173, 2174

Anderson. Eleanor C 2264

Anderson, Paul B 2117

Andren, Carl 1981-1990 (testimony)

Armwood, Lee 2225

Atkinson, Henry A 2186

Backunin 2042

Baintion, Roland H 2273

Baker, James C 2129, 2132

Baldwin, Roger 2173, 2182, 2183, 2192, 2193

Ball. Archey D 21.33

Ball, Lee H 2092, 2094

Bancroft, Frank C 2264

Barbusse, Henri 2172, 2192

Barclay, Ward Crawford 2118

Barnett, Albert 2139

Barr, Mrs. Clinton 2173

Barsky, Edward K 2133

Baruch. Bernard 2125

Batt. Dennis 2075

Babel 2042

Bebler 2252

Bedacht, Max 2173, 2174, 2264

Beiler, Irwin R 2118

Belfrage, Cedric 2255, 22.56, 2264

Bell (alias for Gallagher) 2050, 2051

Benjamin. Herbert 2163

Bentley, Elizabeth 2255

Berger, Victor L 2192

Bergman, Walter G 2264

Beria 2266

Bernstein 2042

Bethune, Mary McLeod 2090

Bevin 2252

Biddle, Francis 1993, 2178

Biedenkapp. Fred 2173, 2174

Birkhead. L. M 2264

Bishop, Shelton Hale 2271

Bismark 2042

Bittelman. Alexander 2110, 2111

Bittner, Van A 2179, 2181

Black, Howard 2233

Blackstone, William L 2264

Blake (alias for J. Peters) 2176

Blake, Edgar 2179, 2181, 2191, 2102

Blakestone, Oliver 2133

Blank, Anna 1978

Blome, Charles 2173

2283
33909— 53— pt. 8- 7

2284 INDEX

Page

Bloor, Ella Reeve 2173, 2174

Boas, Ernest 2118

Bodian, Clara 2181, 2183

Book, Abbott 2271

Booth, Alan 2229

Bosch, John 2173

Bosley, Harold A 2271

Bowen, Phil 2183

Bowman, LeRoy E 2173, 2192

Bozal, Theodore 2229

Brannan, Eleanor (Elenor) 2178,2183

Bray, Blanche 2180

Brickner, Barnett R 2191

Bridges, Harry (alias Rossi) 1999, 2001, 2002, 2104, 2173, 2174, 2276, 2277

Brodsky, Joseph 2132

Browder, Earl 1974, 1978, 1992, 1993,

2022, 2058, 2087, 2089, 2104, 2107, 2138, 2141, 2147, 2164, 2165, 216&-
2171, 2173, 2174, 2192, 2193, 2212, 2224-2226, 2230.

Browder, Irene 2227

Brown (alias for Gerhart Eisler) 2225

Brown, Fred (alias Alpi, alias Marini) 2224

Brown, Jack 2257

Brown, William 2173

Brown, William Montgomery 2053, 2076, 2148-2151

Bryan, Horace 2256-2258

Bubnov 2039

Buck, Tim 2183

Buckley, Nat 2183

Buckmaster, Henrietta 2264

Budenz, Louis 2003

Bukharin, N 2039, 2042, 2050, 2073

Burlak, Ann 2163

Burton, Harold 2191

Butler, Smedley 2191, 2192

Buttrick, George R 2025

Byrd, Mabel 2173

Cadden, Joseph 2181, 21S2

Calkins, Raymond 2271

Call, Lon Ray 2233

Campbell, A. L 2264

Campion, Martha 2155

Cantril, Hadley 2025

Chamberlain 2241

Chamberlain, William 2097

Chambers, Whittaker 2088

Chappell, Winifred 2173, 2174, 2197, 2198, 2264, 2265

Chase, Donald M 2179

Chaunt, Peter 2148

Chibuski, Mike 2257

Churchill, Winston 2104, 2116, 2130-2133

Cianfarra, Camille 2072, 2073

Clark, Tom 2178

Clausewitz 2039

Clemmer, William B 2271

Cochran, William F 2233

Coe, Albert Buckner 2271

Coe, George A 2111, 2112, 2173

Cole. G. D. H 2248

Comfort, Richard 2264

Compere, Ralph M 2178, 2179, 2181, 2183, 2184

Cope, J. Raymond 2271

Counts, G. S 2097

Counts, George S 2173

Cowley, Malcolm 2173

Craig, Septimus 2184

INDEX 2285

Page

Crane, Henry H 2118

Crawford, B. F 2180

Cowl, Margaret (alias for Margaret Undjus) 2106

Curran, Joseph 2281

Dalles, Ida 2087, 2178, 2179, 2182, 2183, 2185, 2187

Dana. H. W. L 2173, 2174

Darcy, Sam 2133

Davis, Ben 2272

Davis, Jerome 2075-2077, 2079, 2088, 2184, 2235, 2247, 2248

Davis, J. P 2088

Davis, Joseph E 2250

Davis, Lewis H 2271

Dawber, Mark A 22G4

Dean of Canterbury 2229

Debert, William 2264

Debs, Eugene 2229

Del 2161, 2162

DeLucca, Anthony 2015, 2016

Dennis. Eugene 2091, 2110, 2115, 2128, 2131

Derchinsky 2042

Detzer, Dorothy 2173

Dimitrov 2042

Dimitrov, Georgi , 2165, 2166

Dimitruck, Anastasia 2158

Dodd, Bella 2202, 2216, 2219

Dombrowski, James 2264

Douglas, T. C 2183

Dunn, Robert W 2079, 2097, 2104, 2105, 2132

Dutt, R. Palme 2225

Eary, Ralph 2184

Easton, Davis 2236, 2237, 2239

Eddy, Sherwood 2075, 2076, 2097

Edwards (alias for Gerhart Eisler) 2224,2225

Ehrenbourg, Ilya 2246

Eichelberger, Clark M 2186

Eisenhower, President 2215, 2229, 2270, 2273

Eisler, Gerhart (alias Brown, alias Edwards) 2051, 2052, 2225

Einstein, Albert 2273, 2274

Ellis, Calvin C 2271

Engels, Fredrick 2042, 2082

Eydeman 2039

Fang Chen-Wu 2192, 2193

Farley, J ames 2086

Father Divine 2171, 2225, 2226

Fenwick, Charles G 2186

Ferre, Nels F. S 2271

Fey, Harold 2233

Field, Frederick V 2228, 2229

Fine, C. W 2191

Fish, Fred 2183

Fisher, Edgar J 2186

Fletcher, Joseph 2017, 2127, 2129, 2130, 2264

Fletcher, Martha (Mrs. Harold A. Fletcher, Jr.) 2012, 2015, 2016, 2022

Fletcher, Norman D 2180

Flynn, Elizabeth Gurley 2276, 2277

Forbes, Kenneth R 2025

Ford, James W 2224, 2225, 2227

Forman, Clark 2133

Fors.vth, Margaret E 2092,2094,2173,2174,2186,2191,2192

Foster, William Z 1978, 2071, 2091, 2118, 2128, 2131, 2167, 2170, 2229

Franzen, John 2179

I'rederickson, Mrs. Chris 2178

Freeman, Lou 2155, 2156

Fritchman, Stephen 2012, 2015, 2016, 2022

Funn, Dorothy K 2280, 2281

2286 INDEX

Page

Gallagher (alias Bell) 2050,2051

Gasperri 2252

Gates, Maurice 2173

Gedye - 2241

Gezork, Herbert 2014, 2025, 2026

Gilbert, Charles K 2278

Gilbert, Margaret 2018

Gitlow, Benjamin 2069-2136 (testimony)

Glintenkamp, H. J 2203

Gold, Ben 1999, 2178

Golden, Clinton S 2181

Goldman, Paul L 2173

Goldstein, Benjamin 2173

Goldstein, Israel 2173

Goldstein, Sidney 2182

Grant, Bert 2149, 2150

Gray. Annie E 2173

Greeley, Dana McLean 2271

Green, Gilbert 2083, 2086, 2088, 2173, 2174, 2199, 2214, 2220-2222

Green, James 2187

Greenfield, Mr 1987

Greenglass, Davis 2278

Guarnaccia, Elizabeth •^--^-^^^- 2016

Guessev, S. T _- — 2039, 2042

Guvot, Raymond 2266, 2267

Haddock, Hoyt S 2280, 2281

Hahn, Herman C 2264

Hall, Mai-tin (alias Herman Jacobs) 2130

Hall, Otto 2148

Ham. Chester 2184

Hamilton, Al 2218

Hamilton, Berta 2183

Hamilton, Samuel L 2115

Hand, Learned 2000

Hansu Chan 2193

Hardy 2097

Harris, Kay 2192

Harris, Thomas L 2186

Hart, Caroline 2191

Hartman, Lewis O 2124, 2129, 2132

Hathaway, Clarence 2173, 2174

Havs, Arthur Garfield 2183

Hayes, Max S 2191

Heller. A. A 2173, 2174

Henderson, Donald 2173, 2174

Hendley, Charles J 21S3

Herling, Jack 2194

Herndon, Angelo 2182, 2225

Herring, Elizabeth 2264

Hews, Amey 2114

Hickerson, Harold 2173, 2192

Hieferding 2042

Hill. Charles A 2271

Hillman, Sidney 2135, 2228

Hinckley, William W 2180, 2186

Hindus, Maurice 2097

Hirsch, Alfred 2132

Hirsch, Carl 2215

Hirshon, Louis M 2271

Holmes. John Haynes 2077, 2185, 2271

Hood. Otis Archer . 2010

Hoover. Herbert 2071, 2086

Hopkins, Robert M 2273

Hudson, Roy 2173, 2174

Hughes 2155

Hughes, Kenneth de P 2018, 2022, 2271

INDEX 2287

Page

Hughes, Langston 2024,2173, 2174, 2191

Hull, Cordell 21S0

Hutchins, Grace 2007, 2106

lima, Viola 2087, 2140

Imes, William Lloyd 2178,2183,2184

Irwin, Clarence 2173,2192, 2193

Israel, Edward L 2173

Jackson, Edgar 2179

Jackson, Lela R 2173

Jacobs, Herman (alias for Martin Hall) 2130

Jacobson, John 2180

James, Daniel 2248, 2249

Jerome, Victor 2138, 2141

Jerome, V. J 2276, 2277

Johnson, A. H 2173

Johnson, Hewlett 2012, 2022, 2105, 2249

Johnson, Manning 2138, 2141, 2145-2280 (testimony)

Johnson, O 2225

Johnson, Robert Livingston 2026

Jones, Claudia 2090

Jones, James A 2271

Jones, John Paul 2264, 2271

Kamenev 2039

Kaplan, Arthur 2184

Kaufman, Irving 2000

Kautzky 2042

Keracher, John 2075

Kester, Howard 2233

King, Edna Joyce 2264

King, Herbert 2173

Kingston, Kenneth 2184

Kirkpatrick, Mr 1978

Kirsienova 2042

Kling, Jack 2180

Koger, Harry 2264

Kornfeder, Joseph Zack 2035-2058 (testimony), 2136

Kornfeld, Ernest 2173

Kornilov, K. N 2238

Kuch, G. Richard 2264

Kuusinen, Otto 2042, 2071

Lamont, Corliss 2017, 2173, 2228, 2229

Lapin, Adam 2115

Larkin, Jim 2070

LaSalle 2042

Lash, Joseph P. (Joe) 2088,2140,2181.2185

Laski, Harold 2181, 2248

Lathrop, John Howland 2264

Lauteiischlager, S 2274-2276

Lay, Lawrence 2264

I^e, Howard 2264

Leech, Bert 2179

Lehmann, Paul 2025

Lenin 2042, 2044, 2047, 2077, 2082

Lerner, James 2088, 2089, 2173, 2174, 2181, 2184, 2189, 2191, 2193

Lester, Donald 2178

Leslie, Kenneth 2234, 2242, 2243, 2245

Levy, Carl H 2182

Levy, Felix 2180

Lewis; Samuel 1983

Lightbody, Charles 2264

Lindemann, E. C 2173

Lippman, Walter 2253

Livingston, David 1990-2005 (testimony)

Littel, Franklin H 2120,2121

2288 INDEX

Pago

Lloyd, Lola Maverick 2173

Loomer, Bernard M 2215-2217, 2273

Lord Halifax 224S

Losovsky, S 2042

Lothrop, Donald G 2017, 2184, 2264

Lovett, Robert Morss 2088, 2173, 2174, 2192, 2193

Lumpkin, Grace 2106

MacCallum, John A 2264

Mackay, John A 2025

MacKenzie, H. Lincoln 2233

MacLennan, C. F 2264

MacNaushton, General 2245

Macy, Paul G 2264

Magil, A. B 2229

Magnes, Judal L 2077

Magruder, N. Burnett 2264

Mallett, Reginald 2271

Malstus 2042

Mangold, William 2173, 2174

Mann, Tom 2228

Manuilsky 2071

Mao Tse-tung 2252, 2253

Marcantonio, Vito 2183

Marley, Harold P 2264

Martin, J. A 2173

Matsui, Haru 2193

Matthews, Stanley 2264

Maxwell, O. Clay 2273

Maybee, Ruth 2233

McCarthy, Joseph 2229, 2263

McConnell, Dorothy 2088, 2106, 2180. 2182

McConnell, Francis J 2104, 2139, 2180, 2181, 2186, 2264

McDonald, Malcolm 2248

McGowan, Edward D 2270, 2271, 2274

McGrady, Edward 2163

McLeod, A. A 2183, 2193

McMichael, Jack R 1992, 2084-2089, 2092, 2093, 2107,

2114, 2124, 2131, 2132, 2135, 2137-2141, 2198, 2199, 2228, 2264, 2265

McNutt, Waldo 2087, 2173, 2183, 2184, 2191

Medina, Harold 2010, 2025, 2214

Melish, John Howard 2271

Michelson, Clarina 2152, 2153

Michelson, William 1970, 1971-1981 (testimony)

Miller, Charles L 2180

Miller, Clyde R 2264

Miller, Marion M 2186

Mingulin 2042

Minor, Robert 2178

Molotov 2071

Mondale, R. Lester 2173

Moore, Joseph G 2264

Moos, Elizabeth 2012, 2016, 2022

Morford, Richard 2114, 2126, 2127

Morgan, J. P 2167, 2181

Morgan, Lome T 2183

Morris, J. Carroll 2089

Mortimer, Wyndham 2191

Muelder, Walter G 2119

Mulkey, Floyd 2134

Nash, Norman B 2270, 2271

Nelson, John Oliver 2271

Nelson, Steve 2088

Neumann, Henry 2271

Niebuhr, Reinhold 2181, 2233

Niemoller, Martin 2236

Nixon, Russell A 1977

INDEX 2289

Page

Nuncio, Tito 2178

Oak, Liston 2088

O'Dwyer, Mayor 1988

Oldham, G. A 2186

Oliver. Gene 2192

Onisick, Peter 2173

Osman, Artliur 2004, 2005-2007 (testimony)

Ovseyenko, Antonov 2039

Oxnam, G. Bromley 2029, 2114, 211G, 2124, 2129, 2132, 2136

Paddock, Robert L 2182

Page, Kirby 2075,2076

Paine, (ieorge L 2271

Palev, Jack 2004, 2005-2007 (testimony)

Palmer. Albert W 2271

Palmer, Frank 2191

Palmer, Mitcliell 2242

Pass, Joseph 2192, 2193

Patch. Harold 2187

Patterson, Leonard 2136-2143 (testimony)

Patterson, Samuel C 2173, 2174

Patterson, William L 2274

Pauck, William 2180

Pearson, Lester 1983

Pederson, Harold 2180

Penner, Albert J 2273

Perkins, Secretary 2163

Peron, Jean 2192

Peters, J 2176

Petersen, Hjalmar 2183

Petrov, Vladimir 2059-2069 (testimony)

Philhrick, Herbert A 2007-2030 (testimony)

Phillian, Alex 2182

Piatakov 2042

Piatnitzky 2042, 2047

Piatt, David 2228

Plavner, Murray 2089

Poindexter, D. R 2173

Poling, Daniel A 2019, 2025

Pollock 2097

Poole, Frederick G 2118

Pope, Liston 2264

Porter, Paul 2193

Potamkin, Alan 2157, 2158

Poteat, E. McNeill 2264

Powell, A. Clayton, Jr 2173

Puner, Samuel P " 2182

Quirt, Walter 2155

Rautenstrauch, Walter 2090, 2092, 2123

Ray, Demas 2257

Ray, Frank 2257

Read, Ralph 2233

Reed, John 2070

Reid, Paul 2178, 2180-2185, 2191, 2192

Reisman, Philip 2158

Reissig, Herman F 2086, 2186. 2192

Remington, William 2012, 2022

Renahan, George 2182

Reynolds, Alonzo W 2182

Reynolds, Bertha C 2264

Reynolds, Jimmie 2257

Ricardo 2042

Richards, W. S 2189

Rigby, Lisle 2162

Roberts, George 2202, 2203

Roberts, Paul 2271

Robeson, Paul 2024, 2091, 2228, 2229, 2272

2290 INDEX

Page

Robinson, James H 2273

Robinson, Reid 2088

Rochester, Anna 2097

Rockefeller, John D., Jr 2167

Roelofs, Henrietta 2186

Rolland, Romain 2092

Rome, Dennis 2257

Roosevelt, Archibald 2031, 2032-2034 (testimony)

Roosevelt, Eleanor 2087. 2247

Roosevelt, President 2087, 2104, 2115, 2116, 2190, 2211, 2243

Roots, Bishop 2236

Rosenberg, Ethel 2013, 2022. 2053, 2054, 205G, 2214-2218, 2263, 2272-2274

Rosenberg, Julius 2013, 2022, 2053, 2054, 2056, 2214-2218, 2263, 2272-2274

Rosenfeld, Kurt 2193

Rossi (alias for Harry Bridges) 2277

Rudasz 2042

Rueggeberg, F. C 2182

Samsay, John G 2124

Sanchez, Leonardo Fernandez 2193

Satterwhite, J. H 2271

Saunders, Wilbur E 2271

Schappes, Morris U 1975

Scherer, Paul 2273

Schmaltz, Alfred 2185

Scott, Byron N 2186

Scott, Elizabeth 2180

Sheinberg, Arthur 1970, 1971-2007

Shepard, Henry 2173, 2174

Shepherd, Massey H., Jr 2271

Shipler, Guy Emery 2271,2272

Shotwell. James T 2186

ShiUTipert, Robert D 2264

Sirovich, William I 2180

Sissons, Anna 2183

Sister Granoff 2184

Sizer, Leonard M 2264

Smith, Alfred E 2070

Smith, Alson J 2092, 2093, 2113, 2114

Smith, Jessica 2228

Smith, Treadwell 2160, 2161, 2173

Smith, Tucker P 2077

Snow, Mrs. Sidney B 2264

Soglow. Otto 2162

Soule, Isobel Walker 2106

Speer, Robert K 2183

Spence, Ben ~ 2183

Spencer, Frederick 2275

Spofford, Wm. B 2076, 2077, 2079,

2090, 2107-2109, 2173, 2183, 2184, 2186, 2233, 2236, 2264, 2271

Stachel. Jack 1978, 2118, 2276-2278

Stalin, Joe 2042, 2050, 2071, 2083, 2104, 2116, 2129

Steffens, Lincoln 2173, 2174

Stein, Peter 2004, 2005-2007 (testimony)

Stevens, Alexander {see also J. Peters) 2176

Stevens, Bennett 2166

Stevens, Thelma 2124

Stewart, Maxwell S 2173

Stitt, Jesse W 2273

Strong, Anna Louise 2105, 2250, 2251

Stron'^ Josiah 2250

Strong, Sidney 2077

Struik, Dirk J 2090

Sullivan, William Wallace 22G4

Sverdlov 2042

Tawuey, R. H 2181

INDEX 2291

Past

Taylor, Alva W 2132, 2133, 2264

Taylor, G. W 2271

Teitelbauni. Kabbi 2258, 2259

Thayer, Russell 2186

Thompson, John B 22(54

Thompson, Louise 2173, 2174

Thompson, Robert 1988, 2090, 2131

Thompson, T. K 2273

Tillic'h, Paul 2025

Timoshenko, Serayon 2245, 2246

Tippett 2097

Tito 2251, 2252

Tittle, Ernest Freemont 2117

Tobias, Channing H 2264

Trachtenberg, Alexander 2008

Trevelyan. Sir Charles 2116

Trotsky, Leon 2037

Truman, President 1976, 2023, 2035, 2118, 2131, 2132, 2134, 2252, 2270, 2273

Tuchachevsky 2039

Tucker, Irwin St. John 2077

Tucker, Leonard 2118

Tunney, Gene 2086, 2089

Uudjus, Margaret (alias Margaret Cowl) 2106

Uphaus, Willard E 2092, 2093, 2107, 2133, 2264

Drey, Harold E 2273, 2274

Valinsky, R. H 2180

Villard, Oswald Garrison 2183

Vishinsky 2252,2258

Vlastos, Gregory 2264

Vrabel, Helen 2180

Wagenknecht, Alfred 2173, 2174

Wallace, Henry A 2118, 2134

Walter, Felic 2183

Waltmire, W. B 2180, 2185

Ward, Harry F 2049-2052,

2057, 2058, 2075-2077, 2079, 2080, 2084, 2080-2090, 2092, 2093, 2097,
2102-2105, 2107-2109, 2111, 2113, 2114, 2118, 2132, 2133, 2138, 2140-
2143, 2169, 2171-2174, 2176-2178, 2180-2183, 2186, 2189, 2192, 2193,
2198, 2201, 2202, 2207-2209, 2211, 2212, 2228-2230, 2233, 2239, 2264,
22G6, 2278.

Ward, Lynd 2264

Warne, Colston E 2173

Watson. Goodwin 2106

Webb, S. B 2097

Webber, Charles C— 2085, 2086, 2088, 2092, 2104, 2107, 2132, 2135, 2136, 2191, 2264

Webster, James 2173

Wechsler, James A 2173, 2174, 2187, 2229

Weil, F. Taylor 2022

Weinstock, Louis 2173, 2174

Weir, Forrest C 2271

Werlick, John 2173

West, Donald L 2234

White, Charlie 2140

White, Eliot 2011, 2012, 2015, 2022, 2230

Whitfield, Owen H 2264

Whitten, Richard Bobb 2173

Wieman, Henry N 2180

Williams, Albert Rhys 2075, 2076, 2079, 2105

Wiliia-ms, Claude C 2052, 2053, 2107, 2256-2260, 2263-2265

Williams, Daniel C 2264

Williams, Joyce 2257-2259

W^illiam, Sidney R 2264

Williamson, John 2131

Wilson, Charles C 2264

Wilson, President 2155, 2204

Winchell, Walter 2229

2292 INDEX

Page

Winston, Henry 2024, 2272

Winter, Ella 2173, 2174

Wise, James Waterman 2186, 2192, 2193

Wise, Stephen S . 2077, 2186

Wofsy, Leon 2091

Wolfe, Rolland E 2271

Woltman, Frederick 2139

Womack, Arthur W 2271

Wright, Alex V 2173

Wright, Jay 2183

Yaroslawsky, Emil 2043, 2050, 2147

Yergan, Max 2088, 2283, 2265

Young, Art 2261, 2262

Zimmerman, Charles 2173

Zunzer, Helen 2156

Organizations

All-American Anti-Imperialist League 2077

Amalgamated Association of Iron, Tin and Steel Workers, Ohio 2184

Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America 2135

Amalgamated Clothing Workers Union 2228

American Association of Writers and Artists 2040

American Civil Liberties Union 2179, 2182, 2228

American Committee for Democracy and Intellectual Freedom 2093

American Committee for Indonesian Independence 2094

American Committee for Protection of the Foreign Born 1973, 1974,

1982, 2020, 2054, 2094

American Committee to Save Refugees 2093

American Communications Association 2040, 2280

American Council on Soviet Relations 2115, 2132

American Federation of Labor 2121, 2183, 2186, 2227

American Federation of Labor, Cleveland 2191

American Friends of Spanish Democracy 2093

American League Against War and Fascism 2052, 2084-2086, 2088

2106, 2137, 2140, 2141, 2161, 2169-2174, 2176-2179, 2181, 2185-2188,
2190-2193, 2195-2197, 2202, 2205, 2206, 2208. 2212, 2213, 2228, 2230

American League for Peace and Democracy 2084-2086,

2088, 2093, 2094, 2106, 2186, 2198, 2202, 2206, 2212, 2228, 2236

American Legion 2191

American Newspaper Guild 2040

American Peace Mobilization 1993, 2040, 2094

American Rescue Ship Mission 2133

American Russian Institute 2106

American Student Union 2088, 2181

American Youth Congress 1992,

1993, 2083-2089, 2093, 2137, 2140, 2180, 2214, 2222, 2223

American Youth for Democracy 1993, 1994, 2011, 2012, 2017, 2022, 2090, 2107

American Youth League 2087

Andover-Newton Theological Seminary 2014, 2025

Anti-God Society of the Soviet Union 2050

Baptist Young People's Union 2220,2222

Batorii 2225

Bloomingdale's Local 3, Department Store Employees Union 1981, 19S2

Boston School for Marxist Studies 2010

Boston University 2139

Boy Scouts 2155, 2160, 2161

Bretton Woods Conference 2115, 2119, 2120

British Labor Party 2183

Bronx Busy Bees_ — 2161

Brookwood Labor College 2180

Buenos Aires Peace Conference 2182

Bureau of University Travel 2248

Cambridge Committee for Equal Opportunities 2022

Cambridge Youth Council— 2026

Canadian League Against War and Fascism 2183

Canadian Royal Commission 2125

INDEX 2293

Page

Catholic Association for International Peace 2186

Catholic Charity 2002

Central Labor Union 2180

Central Labor Union, Toledo 2184

Central Pioneer Bureau 2151

Chicago Anti-War and Anti-B\ascist Congress 2207

Chicago Conference on Race Relations 2117

Chicago University Divinity School 2273

Children's Coniniittee Against War and Fascism 2161

China Aid Council 2106,2184

China Welfare Fund 2094

Christian American Association 2120

Christian Endeavor 2181

Christian Mobilizers 2120

Christian Social Action Movement 2095

Christian Youth Council of North America 2089

Church Federation of Ix>s Angeles 2271

Church League for Industrial Democracy 2126,2184,2236

Citizens Committee for Harry Bridges 2093

Citizens Military Training Corps 2196

City College of New York 1971,1975

Civilian Conservation Corps 2196

Civil Rights Congress 1977, 1982, 1998, 2054, 2274

Cleveland Federation of Labor 2191

Colgate-Rochester Divinity School 2271

Columbia University 2123

Comintern 2039, 2040,

2042, 2050, 2071, 2074, 2077, 2079, 2082, 2083, 2086, 2091, 2105, 2115

Commissariat of Foreign Affairs in the Soviet Government 2075

Committee for Citizenship Rights 2094

Committee for Democracy and Intellectual Freedom 2103

Committee of One Thousand 2093, 2094

Committee on African Affairs 2263

Committee to Defend the Rosenbergs 2054

Committee to Free Earl Browder 1974

Committee to Secure Justice in the Rosenberg Case 2022

Commonwealth College, Mena, Ark 2263

Communist Information Bureau 2225

Communist International 2036, 2043, 2046, 2050, 2051,

2071, 2074, 2075, 2079, 2130, 2151, 2165, 2172, 2224, 2225, 2250, 2275

Communist International, Anglo-American Secretariat 2036-

2038, 2050, 2051, 2079

Communist International, Sixth World Congress 2043

Communist International, Seventh World Congress 2083

Conference for Progressive Labor Action 2194

Conference of Methodist Youth 2139

Conference on Constitutional Liberties 2133

Congress of Industrial Organizations 1971,

1983, 1984, 1992, 1999, 2003, 2040, 2043, 2186

Congress of Industrial Organizations — Political Action Committee 2136

Congress of Industrial Organizations — Political Action Committee,

Virginia 2135

Contemporary Publishing Association 2073

Continental Congress 2194

Cooperative Commonwealth Federation Clubs 2183

Cornell University 2076

Council for Social Action 2185

Cultural Workers in Motion Pictures and Other Arts 2094

Department of Justice 2104, 2215. 2229

Department of Justice, Immigration and Naturalization Service, Inves-
tigation Section of 2146

Department Store Employees Union of New York City 2134

Detroit Federation of Labor 2184

Distributive, Processing and Office Workers of America, CIO 1984,

1991, 1992,2003
Dumbarton Oaks Conference 2114

2294 INDEX

Page

Emergency Civil Liberties Committee 2025

Emergency Peace Campaign 21S0

Emergency Peace Campaign Committee, Pittsburgh 2180

Epics 2179

Episcopal Theological Seminary in Cambridge, Mass 2017, 2271

Epworth League 2178

Ethical Culture Society 2271

Evangelical and Reformed Council for Social Reconstruction 2126

Farmer-Labor Political Federation 21 S4

Farmers Holiday 2178

Federal Bureau of Investigations— 2008,2017,2019,2021,2026,2029,2104,2210

Federal Communications Commission 2106, 2107

Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America 2025, 2181

Finnish Federation Pioneers 2160

Foreign Language Publishing House, Moscow 2129

Foreiyn Mission lioard of the National Baptist Convention, Inc 2271

Fort William Independent Labor Party 2183

Fraternal Council of Churches 2272

Free Food Fighters Club 2161

Friends for Protection of Foreign Born 2078

Friends of Russia 2025

Friends of the Soviet Union 2077, 2080, 2080, 2106, 2115

Fur and Leather Workers Union, CIO 1999

George Washington Carver School 1997

German-American League for Culture 2130

Gimbels 1978

Girl Scouts 2155, 2178

Golden Rule Foundation 2273

Greater New York Emergency Conference on Inalienable Rights 2094,2115

Greater New York Fund 2002

Hands Off China Committee 2078

Hartford Theological Seminary 2075

Harvard University 2186

Hearns 1987

Hood Theological Seminary 2271

Hoover Institute and Library of Stanford University 2072

Industrial Union of Marine and Shipyard Workers 2280

Institute of Pacitic Relations 2027

Interchurch World Movement 2180, 2181

Intercollegiate Christian Council 2091

International Fishermen and Allied Worker's Union 2280

International Juridical Association 2040

International Labor Defense 1977, 2077, 2080, 2086, 2154

International Legion in the Red Army 2076

International Lungshoremen s and Warehousemen's Union 2280

International Longshoremen's Association of San Francisco 2184

International of Youth 2214,2216,2219,2222

International Press Correspondence 2130

International Publishers 2047, 2147

International Workers Order 2094,2164,2180

International Workers Order Juniors 2160

Jefferson Scliool of Social Science 2017

Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee 2017

"Keep America Out of War Congress" 2089

Konsomol 2072

Labor Research Association 2079, 2097, 2104, 2135

Labor Youth League 2090, 2091

League of Nations 2196

League of Nations Association 2181,2186,2194

League of Struggle for Negro Rights 2227

League of Women Voters 2181

Lenin Institute 2050

Lenin Scliool, Moscow 2036, 2038, 2043, 2044, 2047, 2048, 2057, 2106

Lenin University, Moscow 2039,2042

Living Church 2186

London Conference for World Trade Union Unity 2121

INDEX 2295

Page

London School of Economics 2248

L'Unita Operatia 2178

Massachusetts Conference of Conirregational-Christian Churches 2271

IMassnchusotts Youth Council of Boston 2020

Meariville Tlieolosical Seminary 2273

Methodist Church Hi-League 2178

Methodist Federation for Social Action (formerly Methodist Federation

for Social Service) 2040, 2nr>0, 20n2, 20r>n, 2057. 2nr.8,

20S2, 2084, 2085, 2088-2000, 200.3-2102. 2104-2122, 2125-2128, 2130-
2136, 2139, 2177, 2181. 2184, 21 SG, 2197, 2198, 2201, 2202, 2228, 2230

Michigan State Or.ganization of the Socialist Party 2075

Mid Eastern University, Moscow 2082

Minnesota Farmer-Lahor Juniors 21S0

"MOPR"— American Branch 2086

Morehouse College, Atlanta 2001

Moscow University 2238

Mother Bloor Celebration Committee 2086

Murder, Inc 2243

NAC Bureau 2140

Nation Associates 21 16

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People 2002,2182

National Association of Manufacturers 2110

National Committee to Defend Negro Leadership 2023, 2274

National Committee to Keep Prices Down 2109

National Committee to Secure Justice for the Rosenbergs 2274

National Committee to Win the Peace 1096

National Conference of Jewish Youth Organizations 2091

National Conference of Methodist Youth 2091

National Council of American-Soviet Friendship 2017

National Council of Churches 2273

National Council of Jewish Y'outh 2091

National Council of Methodist Youth 2089, 2181, 2185, 21S6, 2213

National Council of the Youth Congress 2184

National Council to Aid Agricultural Labor 2003

National Emergency Conference Call 2117

National Emergency Conference for Democratic Rights 2094

National Farmers Union 2109

National Federation for Constitutional Liberties 1977, 2093, 2094

National Guard 2188-2190, 2194, 2207-2211

National Intercollegiate Christian Council 2089

National Labor Relations Board 1986

National Lawyers Guild 2028

National Maritime Union 2040, 2280. 2281

National Miners Union 2153. 2154

National Negro Congress 2140. 2280

National Recovery Administration 2098, 2099

National Student Federation 2181

National Student League 2184

National Training School of the Communist Party 2277

National Union of Marine Cooks and Stewards 2280

National University, Peking 2080

National Youth Committee of the Protestant Episcopal Church 2091

National Friends Scouts 2160

Negro Labor Congress 2263

New Age Publishers 1903

New Century Publishers 2229

New York City Children's Conference Against War and Fascism 2160

New York City League Against War and Fascism 2160

New York East Annual Conference 2187

New Y'ork East Conference of the Methodist Church 2"7l

New York National Guardsman 2100

New York Public Library 2088

New York State Trade Union Committee to Free Earl Browder 1074

New York Stores P:mployees Union, Local 2 1973

New York University 2115

North American Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy 2086, 2182

2296 INDEX

Page

Northern California-Nevada Council of Churches 2271

OGPU 2049

Pacific School of Religian, Berkeley, Calif 2130

People's Congress for Peace and Democracy 2180

People's Institute of Applied Religion 2052

2053, 2055, 2057, 2058, 2094, 2107, 2177, 2260, 2263-2265

People's Lobby 2194

People's Mandate to Governments 2182

People's Press - 2191

Physician's Forum 2118

Pioneers 2087

Pioneers of Ethiopia 2178

Pioneer Youth of America - 2160

Presbyterian Fellowship for Social Action 2126

Princeton Theological Seminary 2025

Princeton University 2025

Profintern _ 2036, 2071, 2079

Proletarian Party 2075

Protestant Digest Council for Democracy 2231

Protestant Forum Associates 2115

Rauschenbush Fellowship of Baptists 2126

Red International Labor Unions 2036

Red Trade Union International - 2071

Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union, CIO 1992

Retail & Wholesale Department Store Clerks, joint board 1976

Rural Youth Association 2094

Russian National Mutual Aid Society 2160

Saks 1978

Samuel Adams School 2017, 2018

Schappes Defense Committee 1975' 2094

Scottsboro case 2226,' 2227

Second United States Congress Against War and Fascism 2189

Second World Youth Congress 2267

Social Action Fellowship 2126

Social Action Movement 2096

Socialist Ministers Protective Association 2095

Socialist Party 2086, 2070, 2075, 2183, 2193, 2194

Social- Work Action Committee 2124

Society for Technical Aid to Russia 2081

Society of the Godless 2105

Sound View Foundation 2132

Southern Conference for Human Welfare 2132, 2133

Soviet Embassy, Washington 2026

Steel Workers Organizing Committee 2179, 2181

Student Religious Association, Lane Hall, University of Michigan 2120

Teachers College, Columbia University 2106

Teachers' Union 2040, 2179, 2183

Temple University \ ' 2026

Third Commission at Geneva 2267, 2269

Third United States Congress Against War and Fascism 2191

Thirty-third Division, Illinois National Guard 2189

Trade Union and Labor Commission 2192

212th Coast Artillery Antiaircraft Regiment 2189, 2190, 2210

Union Theological Seminary 2025, 2076, 2085, 2142, 2186, 2228, 2229, 2273

Unitarian Fellowship for Social Justice 2126

United American Spanish Aid Committee 2133

United Christian Council for Democracy 2114, 2126-2128, 2230-2233

United Council of Working Class Women 2181

United Front 2224, 2226, 2227, 2236

United Furniture Workers, CIO Local 92 2229-

United Mine Workers of America 2184

United Nations 2024, 2025, 2108, 2115, 2119, 2125, 2131, 2139, 2245

United Nations Assembly 2252

United Nations Atomic Energy Commission 2125

United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Conference 2108

United Nations Security Council 2134,2126

United Retail and Wholesale Employees Unions, Local 2, CIO 1971, 1975

INDEX 2297

Page

United Retail and Wholesale Workers Union, Local 3 11)72

URWEDSEA-CIO, Local 65 1996, 1998

United States Army 2207, 2209

United States Con^^ress Against War and Fascism 2182, 2193

United States Navy 2203

United Steelwurkers of America, CIO 2124

United Student Peace Committee 21S5

United Wliolesale Employees of New York 1993

United Wholesale and Warehouse Workers, CIO 1992

University of Chicago 2088

University of Chicago Divinity School 2215, 2218

\ iiiveiSiiy of Southern California 2119

Urban League 2181

Vanderbilt University 2132, 2271

Western Reserve University 2271

\> uoiesaie una Warehouse Workers Union, Local 65 1997, 1999

WIL 2180

Win tiie Peace Conference in Washington 1995, 1996

Women's Commission of the Communist Party 2106

Women's World Congress Against War and Fascism 2195

Workers Alliance 2093

Workers' Congress 2162

Workers International Relief 2078, 2080, 2154

Workers Library Publishers 2043, 2147, 2225-2227, 2230

Works Progress Administration 2180

World Committee of the League Against War and Fascism 2192

World Congress Against War 2172

World Federation of Trade Unions 2121, 2124, 2135

World Labor Congress 2121

World Peace Congress 2086

World Trade-Union Conference 2121

World Youth Congress 2180

Yale University 2059, 2184

Yale University Divinity School 2248, 2271, 2273

Yalta Conference 2114, 2115

Young Communist International 2151,2214,2221,2266

Young Communist League 1991-1994, 2008,

2009, 2011, 2040, 2083, 2084, 20S6, 2088-2090, 2107, 2114, 2136-2138,
2140, 2141, 2151, 2157, 2180, 2184, 2194, 2199, 2214, 2220-2223, 2281

Young Defenders 2160

Young Epics 2184

Young Men's Christian Association 2074, 2079, 2091, 2181, 2183-2185

Young Men's Hebrew Association 2180, 2223

Young People's Socialist League 2184

Young People's Society 2178

Young Pioneers 2151, 2157, 2158, 2160, 2164, 2223

Young Progressives of America 2091

Young Women's Christian Association 2180, 2181, 2184, 2185

Youth Committee for May Day, 1940 2093

Youth Conference Against War and Fascism 2189

Youth for Victory 2017, 2022

Publications

American Magazine 2250

China Today 2274

Christian Advocate (The Voice of Methodism) 2139

Christian Herald 2019, 2025

Churchman, The 2186, 2271

Communist, The 2165, 2167, 2227

Communist International (Publication) 2225

Crisis Leaflets 2098-2101, 2127

Daily People's World 2022

Daily Worker 1971,

1973-1975, 1977, 1978, 1982, 1988, 1989, 1992, 1994-1996, 1998, 1999,
2003, 2013, 2020, 2022, 2023, 2032, 2033, 2054, 2088, 2098, 2099, 2115,
2130, 2131, 2133, 2139, 2215, 2217, 2218, 2225, 2228, 2260, 2262, 2266,
2270, 2272-2274, 2277, 2281.

2298 INDEX

Page

Equality 2093

Fight . 20S5

2088, 2094, 2169, 2173-2175, 2177-2193, 2195-2197, 2192, 2202, 2203,

2207, 2209, 2210, 2213.

Harper's 2186

In Fact 2109, 2185

Leaders Handbook 2095-2097

London Times 2241

Masses and Mainstream 2024

Moscow News 2250

New Masses "2087, 2089, 2oi)3, ;n30

New Pioneer 2149-2158, 2160, 2162, 2164

New Republic 2242

New World Review 2228

New York Herald Tribune 2007,2012,2013,2027,2029

New York Post 2229

New York Times 2033, 2073, 2241. 2274

New Y«)rk World Telegram 2138, 2139

Party Organizer 2224

Peace News 2133

PM "__ir 2100

Political Affairs _ 2110, 2115, 2118, 2128

Protestant, Tlie 2094, 2115, 2132.

2233, 2235-2237, 2245-2251, 2255, 2256, 2260, 22G6, 2270, 2274

Protestant Digest 2058, 2230, 2231, 2233-2236, 2239, 2242, 2243, 2260, 2266, 2270

Review ' 1993

Social Questions Bulletin 2090,2093,2102,2104-2115,

2117, 2119, 2120, 2122, 2123, 2127, 2130, 2132, 2133, 2134, 2136

Soviet Russia Today 2088, 2092, 2106, 2116

Spotlight, AYD 2090

Survey Graphic 2076

This Week 2029

Trends & Tides 2251

Volksecho 2130

Wall Street Journal 2239

Wasliington Star 19,S3

Witness 2236, 2271

Women Today ' 21O6

Worker 1975, 1999,'2022, 2272

Worker's Child 2151

Young Communist League 1938 "Yearbook" l!)91

Young Communist Review 2266, 2267

Zions Herald ' 2139

,^°STON PUBLIC LIBRARY

3 9999 05018 317 5

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